Vertigo - The Rise and Fall of Weimar Germany. Chapter 1 When the War Came Home
发布时间 2025-02-23 05:01:05 来源
Chapter 1 When the war came home Kafir Fata Lund is brightly lit. I go in briefly, even though bullets could strike at any moment, the Viennese orchestra is playing. Hi Garf Kessler The first few days The Vaima Republic begins with a paradox. No sooner was the war over than it reached Germany. From November 1918, one step at a time, it came home. For the four years of the World War, the German army had managed to keep the conflict outside the door. While large stretches of France and Belgium had been laid waste in ways never seen before, in Germany, not a single roof tile had been destroyed. Though Germany was physically unscathed, the monarchy was done for, and the people were done with war.
第1章 战争来到了家门口
卡菲尔·法塔·伦德灯火通明。我迅速走进里面，即使子弹随时可能打过来，维也纳乐团依然在演奏。你好，加夫·凯斯勒。
瓦伊玛共和国的最初几天始于一个悖论。战争刚刚结束，却立刻蔓延到德国境内。从1918年11月开始，战争一步步地回到了家中。在漫长的四年世界大战期间，德国军队一直成功地将冲突阻挡在国门之外。虽然法国和比利时的大片区域遭到前所未有的破坏，但德国的建筑却没有受到物理上的损害，屋顶瓦片也完好无损。然而，尽管德国在肉体上毫发无损，君主制却已然崩溃，人民对战争感到厌倦。
Before the armistice to end all hostilities had even been signed, strikes paralyzed production and citizens committees, called workers and soldiers councils, assumed power in the towns and cities. Revolution seemed to be winning as soon as it began, with an admirable lack of bloodshed. Soldiers ran away from their offices. There was a mutiny among the sailors of Kia, who refused orders to launch a last-ditch naval attack on the British, and the regime already bled dry by the war was afflicted by collective revolts. First, the monarchy fell in the kingdom of Bavaria, with the deposition of King Ludwig III followed two days later on 9 November 1918 by the abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II, Emperor of Germany and King of Prussia.
在签署结束所有敌对行动的停战协议之前，罢工已经使生产瘫痪，市民委员会，也就是工人和士兵委员会，在城镇中掌握了权力。革命似乎一开始就取得了胜利，而且鲜有流血事件发生。士兵们纷纷逃离岗位。Kia的水兵发生了哗变，拒绝执行对英国的最后一搏的海军攻击命令，而已被战争拖垮的政权正遭受集体起义的困扰。首先，巴伐利亚王国的君主制崩溃，国王路德维希三世被废，接着两天后的1918年11月9日，德意志帝国皇帝兼普鲁士国王威廉二世宣布退位。
The government under Max von Baden, who had only been in office for a month, at the head of the first cabinet in German history to include members of the centre-left reformist social democrat party, Zütseir Demokarteshepatei Deutschland's SPD, had announced his excellencies abdication even though Kaiser Wilhelm II had not declared himself ready to go. A deep fenestration of the first order, the following day the Kaiser would quietly flee to Holland. Now a massive crowd assembled in Berlin between the Kaiser Wilhelm Palace and the Reichstag building, the home of government. Nervous, unsettled, enraged, ready for adventure.
马克斯·冯·巴登执政的政府上任仅一个月，这是德国历史上首次包含中左翼改革派社会民主党（即德国社会民主党SPD）成员的内阁。虽然威廉二世皇帝尚未准备好退位，但他们宣布了皇帝的退位决定。紧接着，皇帝悄然逃往荷兰。此时，柏林出现了一大批民众聚集在威廉皇宫和议会大厦（政府所在地）之间。人群情绪紧张、不安、愤怒，渴望行动。
There were surprisingly many women among them, mostly in groups of friends or colleagues. Clarks in office suits, workers also affluent citizens in elegant clothes. They were united by the certainty of experiencing something great, something potentially violent. They felt that they were standing on the brink of a new era whose outcome no one could predict. Happiness or just more anxiety? Anarchy, mob rule, fratricidal warfare? A dictatorship of the proletariat, bourgeois order for everyone? Or at least a return again to simple pre-war pleasures? Who would guide them through it? Germany without a Kaiser, for many people, was unimaginable, a frightening idea. Who would grasp the sceptre?
他们中意外地有很多女性，大多是朋友或同事组成的小团体。有穿着办公套装的职员，也有穿着优雅衣服的富裕市民。他们团结在一起，因为确信自己正在经历某些伟大的、可能暴力的事情。他们感到自己正站在一个新时代的边缘，而其结果无人能预测。会是幸福还是更多的焦虑？无政府状态、暴民统治、兄弟内战？是无产阶级的专政，还是人人都能接受的资产阶级秩序？或者至少可以回到简单的战前生活乐趣？是谁来引领他们度过这一切？对于很多人来说，没有皇帝的德国是不可想象的，一个令人生畏的想法。到底是谁会抓住权杖？
It was taken up by one Philip Scheidmann, who was having his lunch in the Reichstag canteen as the mob congregated. The 53-year-old author and journalist from Cusser, a member of the German Social Democratic Party since 1883, when it was still illegal, appointed himself Secretary of State just five weeks after the fall of the Kaiser. He had been able to do so because the collapsing German Empire needed a Social Democrat as part of its hastily assembled emergency government, although only in the back row. This was to ease the mood among the enraged workers, the opposite happened.
这件事被菲利普·谢德曼接手，当时他正在帝国议会的食堂吃午饭，而外面正有一群人聚集。这位53岁的作家和记者来自库瑟，自1883年以来就已经是德国社会民主党的一员，当时这个党派还属于非法组织。就在皇帝下台五周后，他自封为国务秘书。他之所以能够这样做，是因为面临崩溃的德意志帝国需要一个社会民主党成员来加入他们匆忙组建的紧急政府，虽然只是一个无关重要的职位。这是为了缓解愤怒工人的情绪，但结果却适得其反。
Scheidmann, a famously cheerful soul who regularly wrote satirical articles in Cusser dialect under the pseudonym Hennar Fiffendeker, understood on the 9th of November that the disorder outside the palace was going to become worse and worse. Germany, which had only been without a Kaiser for a few hours, urgently needed a sign of some kind and respectable leader at the top again. Scheidmann saw this leader in the Burleigh Friedrich Ebert, the affable melancholic head of the Social Democrats, a man known for his willingness to compromise. So, between soup and dessert, as he later jokingly said, Scheidmann stepped out onto one of the Reichstag balconies and in his characteristic sing-song voice without having discussed it with anyone proclaimed the Republic.
Scheidmann是个以乐天性格闻名的人，他经常以笔名Hennar Fiffendeker用Cusser方言写讽刺文章。11月9日时，他意识到宫殿外的混乱局面将会愈演愈烈。德国刚刚失去皇帝还不到几个小时，急需某种象征和一位值得尊敬的领袖来引领大家。Scheidmann心目中的这位领袖是Burleigh Friedrich Ebert，他是社民党和蔼且带有忧郁气质的领袖，以乐于妥协著称。于是，正如他事后开玩笑所说，他在吃完汤和甜点之间，走到国会大厦的一个阳台上，用他那特有的唱歌般的声音，未经与任何人商量，就宣布成立共和国。
The German people have been victorious all down the line. The rotten old order has collapsed. Militarism is at an end. The Hornsollars have abdicated, long live the German Republic. The member of Parliament Ebert has been proclaimed Reich Chancellor. Ebert has thus been appointed to assemble a new government. All socialist parties will belong to this government. Our task now is to ensure that this brilliant victory, this complete victory by the German people, is not solid and therefore I ask you to see to it that there be no disturbance to security. We must be able to remain proud of this day for all time to come. Nothing must exist that would later bring reproaches upon us.
德国人民在各方面都取得了胜利。腐朽的旧制度已经崩溃，军事主义已告终结。霍亨索伦家族已经退位，德意志共和国万岁。国会议员艾伯特被宣布为帝国总理。艾伯特被任命组建新政府，所有社会主义政党都将参与其中。我们的任务是确保德国人民的这一辉煌胜利不会出现任何问题，因此我请求大家保持安全稳定。我们必须能够永远为这一天感到自豪，不得留下任何可能让我们日后受到指责的隐患。
Peace, order and security is what we need now. And that, a feeling of peace and security, was exactly what Scheidmann gave the furious crowd. His spontaneous address was a piece of political bravura that ensured that the Social Democrats, who had successfully led the uprising against the monarchy, kept the reins in their hands, and that they would not immediately be taken away from them again by the left. How easily the mood could have escalated in that heated situation, and the balance have shifted from the Social Democrats, who held sway in the workers and soldiers councils, to the more radical communists who were trying with blazing speeches to transform the still bourgeois revolution into a communist one on the Russian model.
我们现在需要的是和平、秩序和安全。而这正是舍德曼（Scheidmann）给愤怒的人群带来的感觉。他即兴发表的演讲是一场政治上的精彩表演，确保了成功领导反对君主制起义的社会民主党继续掌权，并避免立即被左翼势力剥夺权力。可以想象，在那种紧张的局势下，情绪多么容易激化，局势平衡多么容易从掌握工人和士兵委员会的社会民主党转向更激进的共产党人，而后者正试图通过激烈的演说将这场仍带有资产阶级色彩的革命转变为像俄国一样的共产主义革命。
Karl Liebknecht, future founder of the German Communist Party, communist Dřrpartai Dajlans KPD, took action two hours later and proclaimed the Republic for a second time from another balcony of the city palace. This was not as ridiculous as it might have seemed. While the Social Democrats Scheidmann had invented some facts and depicted the revolution as successfully completed when it had only just begun, so successfully that he insisted on the immediate importance of establishing peace and stability, Liebknecht informed his listeners that they were standing at the beginning of a long battle. It would be a tough fight. First, the state order of the proletariat had to be established, then the global revolution completed. Hail freedom and happiness and peace. This was a slogan that anyone could subscribe to, as well as an excellent battle cry.
卡尔·李卜克内西是未来德国共产党（简称KPD）的创始人，他在两个小时后采取行动，并在城市宫殿的另一个阳台上第二次宣布成立共和国。这并不像看起来那样荒谬。当时社会民主党人谢德曼（Scheidmann）夸大事实，把革命描述为已经成功完成，而实际上革命才刚刚开始。他还强调立即建立和平与稳定的重要性。与此相对，李卜克内西告知他的听众，他们正处于一场漫长斗争的开端。这将是一场艰苦的战斗。首先，需要建立无产阶级的国家秩序，然后完成全球革命。自由、幸福与和平万岁。这句话不仅是一句口号，而且是一句激励人心的战斗口号，人人都可以支持。
So far, the fall of the German Empire had cost 60 human lives, eight of them in the capital. That wasn't many given the strength of the establishment, and the many armed clashes that it took before the military representatives of the old regimes stepped aside. To that extent, it was a peaceful revolution, and the 9th of November seemed like a good day both to the media and to the public, who lined the street heads bowed a day that might eventually go down in German history as a real jewel. On the 10th of November, the liberal editor-in-chief of the Berliner Tagerblatt hailed the victorious revolution on the front page in almost hymnic terms.
截至目前，德意志帝国的崩溃共导致了60人死亡，其中8人是在首都丧生。考虑到政府的强大力量，以及在旧政权的军事代表让位之前所经历的多次武装冲突，这个数字并不算多。在这种程度上，这是一场和平的革命。11月9日对于媒体和公众来说，似乎是个好日子，人们在街头低头默哀，这一天或许会作为一颗真正的瑰宝载入德国历史。11月10日，《柏林日报》的自由派总编辑在头版几乎以赞美诗般的语言称颂了这场胜利的革命。
Teodovov praised Ebert's desire to re-establish peace and order, to secure the food supply, and to offer the old civil service a role in the new state, difficult as it might be the devotees of the new and the representatives of the old now had to work together, out of love of the people. Völf presented the desired new order as a community based on communication and compromise. He said, no one who lays claims to free thought will be allowed to get too close to and wound those whose hearts allow them to a different divine cult. It is not always the worst who are unable to learn new things each time the wind turns and new powers arise, a people that has achieved independence honors itself by also honoring a sincere attitude even in those whose rights it has advanced beyond.
Teodovov称赞了艾伯特重新建立和平与秩序、保障粮食供应以及让旧公务体系在新国家中发挥作用的愿望。虽然这可能很困难，新兴事物的支持者和旧事物的代表们现在必须为了人民的利益而共同努力。Völf提出的理想新秩序是一个建立在沟通和妥协基础上的社区。他表示，没有人可以在宣扬自由思想的同时去伤害那些在心中信奉不同信仰的人。并不是每一个在风向变化、新势力崛起时无法及时学习新事物的人都是最糟糕的。一个取得独立的民族通过也尊重自己推动其权利发展的人，来彰显自身的尊严。
Völf must have written his exhortation to mutual respect in great haste on the very evening of the day of revolution and he took a great step back and included the whole people in his wide embrace. We can imagine him writing taking hasty drugs on a cigarette, marching agitatedly around the desk after each line, an editor in an emergency. Every word was so important to him that the text clumsily continued for a further two lines on the next page. There he ended with the appeal to disarm anyone who wished to disavow this happy achievement by violence. The war was lost, now it was time to bring it to an end.
沃尔夫一定是在革命当天晚上匆忙写下了他对互相尊重的劝诫，他退后一步，用博大的胸怀拥抱了全体人民。我们可以想象他一边写作一边急切地吸着香烟，写完每行文字后激动地绕着桌子踱步，仿佛在处理紧急情况的编辑。对他来说，每个字都非常重要，以至于文章笨拙地延续到下一页多出了两行。在那里，他呼吁解除任何企图以暴力否定这一美好成就之人的武装。战争已经失败，现在是时候结束它了。
Two days after the proclamation of the Republic the representatives of the new provisional government signed the armistice in the forest of Compienn and thus created the precondition for what most Germans dreamed of, even if they had only very recently begun to do so, the establishment of a democracy based on peace and freedom in which everyone could live on the fruits of their labour and pursue their private happiness untroubled by war and brutal violence. That was the plan, the opportunity that lay within people's reach, but not everyone yearned for freedom and democracy. Even among the ordinary citizens there were many who couldn't imagine anything other than the Empire.
在共和国宣布成立两天后，新临时政府的代表在康边森林签署了停战协议，从而为建立一个多数德国人向往的民主制度创造了条件。即便是最近才开始梦想这样的制度，这个民主制度是基于和平和自由，人人可以依靠自己的劳动成果生活，追求自己私人的幸福，不再被战争和暴力打扰。这是一个摆在人们面前的机会和计划，但并不是每个人都渴望自由和民主。即便是在普通民众中，仍有许多人无法想象除了帝国以外的任何事物。
Without the magic triangle of their identity, God, honour, fatherland, they felt homeless. For that reason, the war that had been so furiously fought for Empire and Kaiser could not be stopped so simply with a line from a pen. It came home with the demobilized troops and turned itself against the very people who had brought it to an end. Rather than being fought out in blood drenched battlefields in France and Belgium, it continued in German streets and railway stations. It was discharged in isolated flashpoints. Soldiers were alert to what they perceived as betrayal and every now and again they took revenge entirely at random.
失去了象征其身份的“魔法三角”：上帝、荣誉和祖国，他们感到无家可归。因此，那场为帝国和皇帝激烈战斗的战争，不可能仅仅通过在纸上写几行字就简单停止。战争随着复员的军队回到了国内，并转而针对那些结束了战争的人。战争没有在法国和比利时的血腥战场上结束，而是持续在德国的街道和火车站进行。冲突在一些孤立的小地方爆发。士兵们对他们所认为的背叛保持警惕，并时不时在不经意间进行报复。
At Vanna Station near Boorham on the 30th of November, a guard battalion returning home frustrated from the war on a stopover on the platform ran into a unit of a workers and soldiers council. After violently insulting the mob without a fatherland, the former frontline soldiers still loyal to the Kaiser knocked down a station guard. This escalated into a shootout with both sides using machine guns. Four soldiers were seriously injured, their comrades then roamed through the city and stormed an official building. A nine-year-old boy was killed and another railway guard injured. Once their rage had subsided, the gang of soldiers continued on their journey by train.
11月30日，在靠近Boorham的Vanna车站，一支从战争中归来的守卫营在站台临时停留时，遇到一个工人和士兵委员会的单位。这些仍然效忠于皇帝的前线士兵对没有祖国的暴民进行了暴力辱骂，并打倒了一名车站警卫。这一事件升级为双方使用机枪的枪战。四名士兵重伤，他们的战友随后在市区游荡并冲进了一栋官方大楼。一名九岁男孩被打死，另一名铁路警卫受伤。当他们的怒火平息后，这伙士兵继续乘火车上路。
So commonplace were such occurrences that this one merited a mere five lines in the issue of the Berliner Tagablat for the 1st of December 1918. There were countless such incidents in which soldiers of the returning army took revenge for the armistice. They felt deprived of an honorable end to the war, which would have made the sacrifices of the previous years of battle worthwhile. Whenever the opportunity arose, they picked fights with the centuries of the new government. Small groups of soldiers hunted down individual passers-by whom they suspected of being revolutionary workers and intellectuals, draft dodges and traitors.
这样的事件非常普遍，以至于1918年12月1日的《柏林日报》上仅用五行文字来报道此事。当时有无数类似事件，复员的士兵为了停战协议而进行报复。他们觉得自己被剥夺了一个光荣地结束战争的机会，从而使之前多年的牺牲显得毫无意义。每当有机会，他们便会与新政府的守卫发生冲突。小股士兵还会追捕那些被他们怀疑是革命工人和知识分子、逃兵役者及叛徒的路人。
At the request of the Provisional Reich government, the army high command in Berlin issued a proclamation headed, an end to senseless shooting, which hinted at who was broadly responsible for these outrages, namely the army itself. Fellow citizens, in scattered parts of the city, bodies of the present Reich directorate and citizens in civilian clothes and uniform jackets are still being fired upon. The rumor is circulating that this gunfire is coming from individuals who believe they must defend the old regiment. In this context, it should be noted that the order is given to support the present Reich directorate by all available means.
应临时帝国政府的请求，柏林的陆军最高指挥部发布了一项公告，题为“停止无谓的射击”，这透露出是谁大致要为这些暴行负责，即军队自身。市民们，在城市的各个角落，现在的帝国政府成员，以及穿着便服和制服夹克的市民，仍然遭到射击。传言说，这些枪声来自一些认为必须保卫旧团的人。在此背景下，必须指出，命令已经下达，要求以一切可用手段支持当前的帝国政府。
Appeals were printed and widely distributed for the maintenance of the virtue most favoured by the Germans, and which they now so painfully missed. Discipline. It was the workers and soldiers' councils spontaneously established bodies of a civil society that was yet to be formed, who urgently appealed for peace and order. Workers and soldiers' councils, to present-day ears these sound wildly radical and revolutionary, but in fact that impression is far from the reality.
为维护德国人最重视，而现在又深感缺失的美德，请愿书被印刷并广泛传播。这种美德就是纪律。工人和士兵委员会是尚未成型的公民社会中自发建立的组织，他们迫切呼吁和平与秩序。听到"工人和士兵委员会"这个词，今天的人们可能会觉得这是极端激进和革命的象征，但实际上，这种印象与现实相去甚远。
Most councils consisted of solid citizens, craftsmen and skilled workers, people brave enough to take personal control of things in the chaotic power vacuum, to get things working again in the agitated country as quickly as possible. Almost all of the councils were packed with centre-left social democrats. They wanted democratic rights along orderly lines. Typical of the council's thinking was a proclamation published on 14 November in the North German Butwehr Unsäger under the headline Self-Discipline and Order Are Required.
大多数委员会由可靠的市民、工匠和技术工人组成，这些人勇敢地在混乱的权力真空中亲自掌控局面，以尽快恢复动荡国家的正常运作。几乎所有委员会都由中左翼社会民主党人组成，他们希望沿着有序的路线实现民主权利。委员会的典型思维反映在11月14日发布在北德意志的《Butwehr Unsäger》上的一则公告中，其标题为“需要自律和秩序”。
Only a people capable of maintaining voluntary discipline is mature and capable of self-determination. Are we capable of that? Is our people capable of governing itself? The government believes it is. It is confident that the people are capable of self-discipline. Let us prove that we are worthy of this confidence. Let us prove that we are right for political freedom. Let us prove that we can practice self-discipline. Then order will prevail, and the army and the people need order to achieve peace. Signed, Khan, Fittsner and Reserve Lieutenant Fosse.
只有能够保持自觉纪律的民族才算成熟，才能实现自我决定。我们能做到这一点吗？我们的民族有能力自我管理吗？政府相信我们有这个能力。政府相信人民能够自律。让我们证明我们值得这样的信任。让我们证明我们适合拥有政治自由。让我们证明我们可以自律。这样一来，秩序就会得以维持，而军队和人民需要秩序来实现和平。 署名：汗、费特斯纳和预备中尉福斯。
It was people such as these who shaped the peaceful face of what came to be known as the November Revolution, but also earned it the contempt expressed in the much quoted judgment attributed to Lenin to the effect that a German Revolution wasn't worthy of the name. Revolution in Germany? It'll never happen. If those Germans wanted to storm a railway station, they'd buy a platform ticket. If only that had proved to be the case.
是这些人塑造了后来称为“十一月革命”的和平面貌，但也遭到了广泛引用、据称出自列宁的那句关于德国革命不值一提的评价的轻视：“德国革命？那永远不会发生。如果德国人想要冲进火车站，他们会先买站台票。”要是事实真是如此就好了。
The proclamation of these three committed citizens gives a sense of the chaos that began to spread in the wake of the successful revolution. Away from the main arenas of the revolution, there was a tangle of minor conflicts in which determined citizens, foremen, sailors, officers and council chairman, but also adventurers and criminals had a say in whether or not blood was to flow. Alongside the many skirmishes between army and people, between moderate and radical socialists, between left and right, white and red, there were the anarchic actions of countless opportunists who cooked their personal little pots of soup on the fires of political disturbances.
这三位坚定市民的宣言让人感受到成功革命后开始蔓延的混乱。在革命的主要舞台之外，许多小型冲突交错存在，坚定的市民、工头、水手、军官和委员会主席都参与其中，而冒险家和罪犯也在其中起到了一定作用，决定着是否会有流血事件。在军队与人民、温和派与激进社会主义者、左派与右派以及白色阵营与红色阵营之间，发生了无数的争斗，同时还有无数投机分子的无政府主义行动，他们在政治动荡的火焰上煮着自己的一锅小汤。
On the first day of the revolution, for example, a decommissioned sailor Otto Hasse stole a car and put himself, as the later trial recorded, at the disposal of the new government. Demonstrating the randomness of things, he was given the post of chauffeur by one of the newly appointed people's representatives. He also drove around privately in the car, a wanderer W3, the Berliner Tagablad reported, he also came to Potsdam when a hospital train had just pulled in. He made use of this opportunity, he presented himself as a law enforcement officer and had the leaders of the train, an accountant and a deputy official arrested, confiscated everything that the train contained in the way of food, bacon, ham, sausages, eggs and had it brought to Berlin, where he sold it.
在革命的第一天，例如，一名退役水手奥托·哈塞偷了一辆车，并把自己，如后来审判记录所述，交给新政府使用。为了展示事情的随机性，他被一位新上任的人民代表任命为司机。他私下也开着这辆车到处转，根据柏林日报的报道，这是一辆漫游者W3。他还来到波茨坦，正好碰上一列医院列车刚刚进站。他利用这个机会，自称为执法人员，将列车的负责人，一位会计和一名副官逮捕，没收了列车上所有的食物，如培根、火腿、香肠、鸡蛋，并将这些食物运到了柏林，在那里出售。
Criminal acts such as this, dressed up as state activity, were frequent events. A pimp presented himself as a representative of the people, grabbed a couple of centuries from the workers and soldiers council who were standing on the nearest street corner and brushly ordered them to execute a wicked traitor. The sentence was obediently carried out on the spot. What the deuter form marksman didn't know was that the victim was not a counter-revolutionary, but a former associate of the criminal who had become too dangerous for him.
这种以国家行为为幌子的犯罪行为频繁发生。一个皮条客自称是人民的代表，从站在附近街角的工人和士兵委员会那里抓住了几名成员，粗暴地命令他们处决一个邪恶的叛徒。处决在现场按命令执行。然而，开枪的士兵并不知道，受害者并不是反革命分子，而是这个罪犯曾经的同伙，由于对他构成了太大的威胁而遭到了清除。
In most cases, this kind of official assistance wasn't required because after the end of the war, there was no shortage of weapons. The soldiers who had deserted in their hoards had simply taken their weapons with them, either keeping them or selling them for a pittance over the pub counter. Shady sections of society were armed to their teeth, people masquerading as folks via security officials, plundered passers-by or confiscated supplies from warehouses and shops. In Berlin, Buhrholz, a group presenting themselves as law enforcement officers tied up the mayor and made off with the community cash box, and the violence was always at its worst when the social democrat led government called in the army for help.
在大多数情况下，这种官方援助并不需要，因为战争结束后，武器并不缺乏。那些大批逃兵都带着武器，要么自己留下，要么在酒吧贱卖。社会中的一些阴暗角落里的人都全副武装，他们假装是安保人员，抢劫路人或从仓库和商店里窃取物资。在柏林的布尔霍尔茨，一个自称是执法人员的团伙绑架了市长，并偷走了社区的现金盒。当社会民主党领导的政府请求军队协助时，暴力情况最为严重。
Unholy Alliance The morning after the proclamation of the Republic, Friedrich Ibert, who must have had a sleepless night, put a call through to the most powerful man in Germany, Wilhelm Grounner. Via a secret telephone connection, Grounner, head of the German army and based in Spa in Belgium, assured Ibert of the army's loyalty and promised to stand by him in maintaining public order. In return, the general expected the new leaders to ensure the continuing existence of the army and the broad recognition of the old officer corps. The victorious revolutionaries and the generals of the Reich seem to have made peace.
邪恶联盟
在共和国宣布成立的次日早晨，经历了一个不眠之夜的弗里德里希·艾伯特拨通了德国最有权势的人威廉·格鲁纳的电话。通过一条秘密的电话线路，驻扎在比利时斯帕的德国军队指挥官格鲁纳向艾伯特保证军队的忠诚，并承诺支持他维护公共秩序。作为交换，这位将军希望新领导能够确保军队的继续存在，并给予旧军官团广泛的认可。革命胜利者与帝国的将军们似乎达成了和解。
Ibert probably slept better that night. Any kind of upheaval was anathema to the man who had been swept to power and to the cabinet provisionally installed until the planned election. The fact that they owed their fantastic careers to revolution did nothing to reduce their abhorrence of it. Quite the contrary, the very thing that had catapulted them to the top could bring them back down to the bottom just as swiftly. It is hard to overestimate the insecurity of this group, completely unpracticed in politics, which suddenly found itself at the head of the Reich. At the very top was Friedrich Ibert, a former Sadler and landlord who had run the Sogutenheilfer pub in Bremen with his wife Louisa.
伊伯特那晚可能睡得更安稳。对于这个被推上权力巅峰并暂时进入内阁的男人来说，任何形式的动荡都是无法容忍的。尽管他们的辉煌事业得益于革命，但这并没有减少他们对革命的厌恶。恰恰相反，把他们送上高位的正是这种力量，而这股力量也可以同样迅速地把他们拉回底层。我们很难高估这个群体的不安全感，他们完全没有政治经验，却突然发现自己成为了国家的领导者。最上面的是弗里德里希·伊伯特，他曾是一名鞍具商和房东，与妻子路易莎一起在不来梅经营“索古滕海尔弗”酒吧。
Temperamentally, social democrats were still close to the Reich and many of its values, but they were also resolved to squeeze a fair deal of the working class from society. An eight-hour day, the right to strike and the right to assembly, the recognition of trade unions and universal suffrage, including votes for women. Private property remains sacred, and they did not consider the nationalization of the big key industries as an urgent goal. They did, on the other hand, acknowledge the vital importance of swiftly re-establishing internal security, preserving economic life and keeping the civil service in operation.
社会民主党人在性格上仍然与德意志帝国及其许多价值观接近，但他们也决心从社会中为工人阶级争取公平利益。他们主张实行八小时工作制、罢工权和集会权，承认工会以及实行包括女性投票在内的普选权。私人财产依然被视为神圣，他们并不认为将大型关键产业国有化是紧迫的目标。另一方面，他们认可迅速重建内部安全、维护经济生活以及维持公务员体系运作的重要性。
It was the freedom that the liberal editor of the Berliner Tagerblatt, Teodor Wölf, had so emphatically stood up for. That freedom might easily have been dismissed as a petty bourgeois fetish, but the chaos that swept the country did endanger life and limb. Food supplies were at stake, the social democrats were aware of the fragility of modern infrastructure and wanted to demonstrate to all costs that they were capable of government, not least to the world. They feared that the victorious powers might still invade if the new government proved incapable of supplying peace in the country, and for both Ebert and the victors that meant above all preserving it from the Russian model of communism.
这是《柏林日报》的自由派编辑特奥多尔·沃尔夫极力捍卫的自由。这种自由可能很容易被视为市侩的小资产阶级情结，但国家所面临的混乱却确实威胁到了人们的生命安全。食品供应岌岌可危，社会民主党意识到现代基础设施的脆弱性，并希望不惜一切代价向全世界证明他们有能力治理国家。它们担心，如果新政府不能在国内保持和平，战胜国可能会再次入侵。对于艾伯特和战胜国来说，这尤其意味着要防止国家走上俄罗斯共产主义的道路。
For the communist revolutionaries, it seemed far too early to have internal peace. Hardly a day went by without the leaders of the far-left Spartacus League, Karl Liebknecht and Horzal Augsenberg, demanding that the revolution be taken to its conclusion. With repeated provocations and strong-arm tactics, they tried to goad their supporters into keeping the widespread disturbances going. The intention was to blind people to the fact that the radical left was in a hopeless minority even in the workers and soldiers' councils. Even so, the Spartacists were able to demonstrate intimidating strength.
对共产主义革命者来说，实现内部和平似乎还为时过早。几乎没有一天是极左翼斯巴达克同盟的领导人卡尔·李卜克内西和霍扎尔·奥格森伯格不要求将革命进行到底。他们通过不断的挑衅和强硬手段，试图激励他们的支持者持续制造广泛的动乱。他们的目的是让人们忽视一个事实：即使在工人和士兵委员会中，激进左派也是无可救药的少数。然而，即便如此，斯巴达克同盟仍能表现出令人生畏的力量。
Combat groups, such as the Red Soldiers League, appeared in the streets heavily armed and rumors whisked constantly around the cities that the Russian Bolsheviks had armed them to the teeth. Many Spartacists were at-heart gentle souls, but behind the typewriter they developed an aggressive radicalism that worried many people, and in their words, the rotten supports of society trembled. Within the small bubble of their like-minded followers, they lost all sense of reality, drunk on the fantasies that his resounding speech was produced in the crammed meeting halls.
在城市的大街上，像红色战士联盟这样的战斗团体全副武装地出现，同时城市里不断流传着传闻，说是俄国布尔什维克给他们武装到了牙齿。许多斯巴达克同盟成员实际上是内心温和的人，但在写下文字时，他们发展出了一种令许多人感到担忧的激进态度。他们的言论使社会的腐朽支柱摇摇欲坠。在一小群志同道合的追随者中，他们完全失去了现实感，沉醉于幻想，仿佛他的铿锵演说是在拥挤的集会上发表的。
Liebknecht demanded that all military weapons be handed over to the proletariat. A ridiculous proposal. Who was going to hand them over? After the weapons had been received, the revolutionary proletariat should not hesitate for a moment before removing bourgeois elements from all of their political and social positions of power, and taking all the power into their own hands. Liebknecht could not have been surprised that even sympathetic bourgeois elements might have been horrified by this prospect. We don't want a lemonade revolution, he cried, meaning that he didn't want anything soft or half-hearted.
李卜克内西要求将所有军事武器交给无产阶级。这是个荒谬的提议。谁会交出武器呢？在接收武器后，革命的无产阶级不应犹豫，应立刻将资产阶级的政治和社会权力全部剥夺，把所有权力掌握在自己手中。即使是同情的资产阶级分子，面对这样的前景也可能会感到震惊，这并不会让李卜克内西感到意外。他高喊道，我们不想要一场“柠檬汽水”式的革命，意思是不希望任何软弱或半心半意的行动。
We want to raise the iron fist against anyone who stands in our way. The Ibercheidemun government is the deadly enemy of the German proletariat. The deadly enemy took his threats seriously and sought refuge in the protective arms of the military. Admittedly, the provisional government also had its own troops, but they were weak and unreliable, and also in competition with one another. The voluntary auxiliary service of the democratic party, the hastily assembled Republican soldiers defense, and the greater Berlin security troop under police president Emil Eichon, was still overwhelmed by the amount of patrol and guard duty needed to suppress chaos and anarchy in the streets day and night, and to protect the public buildings, government offices, and banks.
我们要以铁腕对抗任何阻碍我们的人。伊贝尔海德蒙政府是德国无产阶级的死敌。这个致命的敌人非常认真地对待他的威胁，并在军队的保护下寻求庇护。诚然，临时政府也有自己的部队，但它们既薄弱又不可靠，彼此之间还存在竞争。民主党的志愿辅助服务、匆忙组建的共和士兵防御队，以及由警察局长艾米尔·艾肯领导的大柏林安全部队，面对需要昼夜巡逻和守卫以压制街头混乱和无政府状态的繁重任务，以及保护公众建筑、政府办公室和银行，仍显得不堪重负。
Attempts to win additional volunteers for the republic's protection squads failed for the lack of interest. So Ibert and his army and navy minister Gustav Nauska entrusted the delicate first shoots of the republic to a defeated and demoralized army that was itself in the process of disorderly dissolution. Once the message of revolution and armistice had reached them, any soldiers still in their right minds had long since quit the service and made sure that they had made it home under their own steam just in time for Christmas.
由于缺乏兴趣，试图为共和保护队争取更多志愿者的努力失败了。因此，伊贝尔特和他的陆海军部长古斯塔夫·瑙斯卡将共和国脆弱的新生希望寄托在了一支战败且士气低落的军队身上，而这支军队本身也正处于混乱的解散过程中。一旦革命和停战的信息传达到他们那里，仍然头脑清醒的士兵早已退出服务，并确保他们能自己赶在圣诞节前回到家。
There were constant calls in the newspapers to hand over any military munitions, but many deserting soldiers ignored them. A large number of rifles were simply kept and stored under beds and in wardrobes. Most of the remaining soldiers, who were regularly demobilized and returned home in close formation, also longed for nothing more than peace and recuperation. Only a proportion of them was inclined to continue in armed service and push for peace and order within the country. But that proportion was still considerable.
报纸上不断呼吁人们上交军用弹药，但许多逃兵对此置之不理。大量步枪被简单地藏在床下或衣柜里。大多数剩下的士兵被定期遣散后，以紧密队形回到家中，他们只渴望和平和休养。只有一部分人倾向于继续参与武装服务，并在国内推动和平与秩序。但即便如此，这部分人数依然相当可观。
Paradoxically, the voluntary units that were supposed to be ensuring stability in the new republic contained some of the republic's worst enemies. The irregular right wing free corps, free corps volunteer units assembled by individual army officers developed into a collecting point for the former frontline soldiers, whose taste for war had been ended too soon. They felt not so much defeated by the enemy as betrayed by their own homeland. They were also disoriented secondary school pupils who were stupid enough to believe that they'd missed something uplifting when the war came to an end, embittered students who feared that they wouldn't be able to have a career in a workers republic. Then finally there were thugs who liked the idea of being paid for their passion. They formed wild gangs of mercenaries which took their names from their leaders, Marina Brigada Earhart, Frikobs Epp, Frikobs Hakato, Frikobs von Peterstoff, Strom uptailung Rosbach and so on. Overall, they are thought to have been a total of 365 of these right wing volunteer Frikobs units. One for each blood-soaked day of the year.
矛盾的是，那些本应在新共和国中确保稳定的志愿部队中，竟然包含了一些共和国的最大敌人。这些不规则的右翼自由军团，是由个别军官组织起来的志愿单位，逐渐发展成为退役前线士兵的聚集点。这些士兵因为战争过早结束，仍对战争充满渴望。他们感到不是被敌人打败，而是被自己的祖国背叛了。此外，还有一些中学生，他们因为愚蠢地认为错过了战争结束时的某种激动人心的时刻而感到迷茫，还有那些担心在工人共和国无法展开事业的愤怒学生。最后，还有一些暴徒，他们喜欢能为自己的激情领取报酬的想法。他们组成了以其领导人命名的雇佣军野队，如玛丽娜·布里加达·埃尔哈特、弗里克布斯·埃普、弗里克布斯·哈卡托、弗里克布斯·冯·彼得尔斯托夫、斯特罗姆·鲁斯巴赫分队等。据估计，这些右翼志愿自由军团总共有365个单位，每一个对应着那一年中血腥的一天。
For these unruly groups, love of the Fatherland meant eliminating anyone in the Fatherland who didn't, as they saw it, share their love. Some Frikobs units headed east to continue fighting even though the war had officially come to an end. In Poland, where according to the terms of the Versailles Treaty, plebiscites and negotiations on the future border were imminent, they believed that they had to go on defending the Fatherland. Nationalists on both sides were reluctant to wait for the votes and talks, so for several years the Frikobs fought a bloody fight for the death of the Eastern Marches with ambushes, terrorist attacks and fierce partisan battles. But the main thrust of the Frikobs energy was directed inwards. Just what these troops were capable of became apparent in Berlin on the 6th of December 1918, St Nicholas's day. A day that had already begun in a strangely agitated atmosphere.
对于这些不守规矩的团体来说，热爱祖国意味着消灭他们眼中那些不热爱祖国的人。一些解放军（Frikobs）部队向东进发，继续战斗，尽管战争已经正式结束。在波兰，根据《凡尔赛条约》，关于未来边界的公投和谈判迫在眉睫，他们认为必须继续保卫祖国。双方的民族主义者都不愿意等待投票和谈判，因此解放军在接下来的几年里，为了东部边疆的存亡，展开了血腥的战斗，进行了伏击、恐怖袭击和激烈的游击战。然而，解放军主要的精力却是向内集中。1918年12月6日，即圣尼古拉节，这些部队的真实能力在柏林显露无遗。那天，气氛异常紧张，一切从一开始就显得很不安。
Just before 6pm, there was a bloodbath at the busy intersection of Shorsiez Tarsa and in Valedyns Tarsa, not far from the place where the Federal Intelligence Service stands today. A group of soldiers, guard Fusilias in fact, who had only been back from the field and in the city for a day, sprayed the area with bursts of machine gun fire. One account related that a number 32 tram whose driver had driven to the scene unsuspectingly also came under fire. The passengers fought for the doors, shoving each other out of the way. It was said, people ran along the pavement screaming for their lives, knocking each other to the ground. In all of the buildings, the residents had turned out the lights and moved back terrified to the rooms at the rear. When the soldiers had stopped firing for a while there was almost complete silence, then the first people ventured out of the houses and looked at the battlefield. The horror only lasted a few minutes, but 12 people died, the youngest of them who bled to death in the tram, a 16 year old girl. Over 80 people were injured.
接近傍晚6点时，在繁忙的Shorsiez Tarsa与Valedyns Tarsa交叉口附近，靠近今天联邦情报局所在地，发生了一场惨剧。一个刚从前线回来的士兵小组——实际上是Fusilias警卫队，只在城市里待了一天——用机关枪向这个区域扫射。据说，一辆被牵连的32号电车也在此时行进到现场，驾驶员毫无防备地遭到了袭击。乘客们纷纷争夺着逃向车门，相互推搡着试图逃生。据说，人们沿着人行道狂奔，惊恐地尖叫着逃命，相互推倒。在所有建筑物内，居民们关掉了灯，惊恐地躲到房子的后部。当士兵停止射击时，四周陷入了一片寂静，然后第一批人壮着胆子从房子里出来，看到了如同战场般的街道。整个惨剧只持续了几分钟，但造成了12人死亡，其中最年轻的是一名在电车中失血过多而亡的16岁女孩。还有80多人受伤。
It was never explained how shots came to be fired at peaceful passersby in rush-out traffic. On the morning of St. Nicholas's day, some soldiers, led by an officer by the name of Shpiraw, had attempted a kind of coup d'etat in the Reichstag, proclaiming Friedrich Ebert, president of the German Social Republic. But at the same time had called for the arrest of the executive council of the workers and soldiers council, the provisional parliament to which he was subordinate and which was assembled in the Prussian lunchtag. The affair was a complete failure, but may have further intensified the over-strong mood of the day. The following day, Spartacists and Social Democrats blamed one another for the massacre, while the Bourgeois newspapers claimed that the all-too-understandable fear of a communist seizure of power had found expression in a panicky overreaction on the part of the soldiers.
在拥挤的交通中射击和平路人的事件从未得到解释。圣尼古拉斯日的早晨，一些士兵在名为施皮劳的军官带领下，尝试在国会大厦发动政变，宣布弗里德里希·艾伯特为德国社会共和国的总统。但与此同时，他们呼吁逮捕工人和士兵委员会的执行委员会，这是他隶属的临时议会，并在普鲁士议会大厅召开。事件最终彻底失败，但可能进一步加剧了当天原本就高度紧张的情绪。在接下来的日子里，斯巴达克派和社会民主党互相指责对方制造了大屠杀，而资产阶级报纸则宣称，出于对共产主义夺权的恐惧的过度反应导致士兵们的恐慌行动。
Furthermore, two lines of the demonstrators had approached the intersection from different directions and caused confusion. It is more likely that it was simply the hatred of frustrated frontline soldiers for their supposedly traitorous homeland that was being vented here as it was elsewhere, a hatred that would in future degenerate from manageable minor disturbances into dramatic acts of terrible brutality. The suppression of the Munich Soviet Republic, the Republic declared by the workers and soldiers council in Bavaria, involved extreme excess of free corps violence. Late in April 1919, right-wing Frikobs units and regular government troops besieged the Bavarian capital on the orders of the Berlin government. In fact, its picturesque Republic of Dreamers had been finished for some time. After a failed push, power had been seized by a communist clique that only enjoyed the sympathy of a minority of the population of Munich.
此外，两队示威者从不同方向接近十字路口，造成了混乱。更有可能的是，这里就像在其他地方一样，仅仅是前线士兵对他们所谓背叛的祖国的仇恨在发泄。这种仇恨未来可能会从可控的小规模骚乱演变为极端残暴的行为。慕尼黑苏维埃共和国的镇压——这是由巴伐利亚的工人和士兵委员会宣布成立的共和国——涉及自由军团的极端暴力行为。1919年4月下旬，在柏林政府的命令下，右翼自由军团部队和常规政府军围攻了巴伐利亚首府。实际上，它那富有幻想色彩的共和国梦想已经结束了一段时间。在一次失败的推进后，权力被一个共产主义小集团夺取，而这个集团只得到慕尼黑少数民众的同情。
This explains the rather disparaging tone with which the scholar, Viktor Klempera, made fun of the civil war in which the free state of Bavaria imagined itself to be. Klempera, who wrote a collection of gripping diaries around this time, also worked as a correspondent for the newspaper, the Leipzig-Anois de Narhechten. While Franz Maier, a term meaning in every man, is shooting pheasants in the English garden, Hubert Xavier at Phailichplatz believes the whites, the counter-revolutionary forces, are holding a push and shoots as well, and already the century is sounding the alarm of an attack of the nearby savers church, and now the whole area is rattling away. It's very gratifying. But soon even Klempera was less than gratified.
这解释了为何学者维克多·克莱姆珀会用一种有些轻蔑的语气来嘲笑巴伐利亚自由邦自以为身处的内战。克莱姆珀在此期间写了一系列扣人心弦的日记，还曾担任《莱比锡新闻报》的通讯员。当“弗朗茨·梅尔”（一个泛指普通人的词）在英式花园里射击野鸡时，费利希广场的休伯特·泽维尔认为反革命势力“白军”正在发动政变，也开始射击，世纪的钟声已在警示附近救星教堂即将遭袭，整个地区响起喧闹之声，这一切都令人兴奋不已。但很快，连克莱姆珀也不再那么兴奋了。
On the 1st of May 1919, the empire's guardians of order stepped in. The Epscher-Ficobs, the Württemberg security troops, and regular Reichsbehr troops from Prussia, the carnival of lunacy as the Social Democratic Minister of Defence, called what was by now a genuinely self-destructive attempt at revolution was to be brought to a swift end. These men, some of them gloriously fitted out in God's core uniforms, were celebrated by most local people in a festive spirit. It all looked like a folkloric procession. But then hatred and vengefulness spilled out in a way that deeply shocked this respectable part of Munich. Rather than peace and order, the Ficobs spread terror on the streets, with the support of members of the petty bourgeoisie who were also eager for a scrap.
1919年5月1日，帝国的治安维护者介入了。由Epscher-Ficobs、符腾堡安全部队以及来自普鲁士的正规军组成的队伍，被社会民主党的国防部长称作一场愚蠢的狂欢，如今已经演变为一种自我毁灭的革命尝试，必须迅速终结。这些人中有些身着光鲜夺目的军装，被当地大部分居民以节日的方式欢迎。一切看上去像是一场民俗游行。但随后，仇恨和复仇情绪释放出来，深深震惊了慕尼黑这一体面的地区。Ficobs不仅没有带来和平与秩序，反而在街道上制造恐怖，并得到一些同样渴望斗争的小资产阶级成员的支持。
They went on in search of hidden subversives in working-class areas of the city, the author Oscar Maria Garth, who had himself been part of the Soviet government until a short time before reported. A terrible spree of denunciation began. Anyone with an enemy could now send them to their death with a few words. Now, all of a sudden, the citizens who had previously been invisible were back, busy running behind the troops, with rifles over their shoulders, and white and blue civil militia arm bands. They looked around eagerly, pointing here and there, running after someone and bawling as they rained blows down upon them, spitting, shoving them crazily and dragging their half-dead victim to the soldiers.
他们开始在城市的工人阶级社区中搜寻隐藏的颠覆分子，这位作者奥斯卡·玛丽亚·加思曾经是苏联政府的一部分，也参与了这项行动。不久之后，一场可怕的揭发狂潮展开了。任何人只需几句话就能把他们的敌人送上绝路。突然间，那些曾经隐形的市民又出现了，忙着跟在军队后面，肩上扛着步枪，戴着白色和蓝色的民兵袖章。他们急切地四处张望，用手指指点点，追赶着某人，大声叫嚷着，一边疯狂地推搡、吐口水，一边把半死不活的受害者拖到士兵面前。
Sometimes it happened faster than that. The unsuspecting person would be standing there frozen, then the mob would charge over and surround him, a shot would ring out and that was it, the people would spread out again, laughing and satisfied. The soldiers sometimes fired on anything that moved. Garth saw an old woman hobbling across the road being caught in the cross-airs and shot to the ground. The same fate awaited a little boy who ran to help the dying woman. The hatred of civilians, women and children included, had a history that dated back several months and originated in Berlin.
有时候，这一切发生得更快。毫无防备的人会呆站在那儿，然后一群人就会迅速冲过去包围他，响起一声枪响，一切就结束了，人群又会散开，笑着心满意足。有时候，士兵会对任何移动的东西开枪。加思看到一位老奶奶缓慢地过马路，被瞄准后射倒在地。一个跑去帮忙的男孩也遭遇了同样的命运。对平民的憎恨，包括对妇女和儿童的仇恨，已经有几个月的历史，这一切都始于柏林。
For freecobs and Reichsbehr soldiers, the 1918 Christmas holidays held a humiliation that unfortunately taught them a great deal. The task was to drive a group of revolutionary soldiers calling themselves the folks marina de vis-journ, People's Navy Division, out of Berlin Palace. The division was a proud if somewhat rogue element of the revolutionary November days. Just six weeks previously, they had been asked by the Social Democrats to protect important government buildings against looting and were installed in the city palace for this purpose. But when it came to removing them from the building, they were discovered to have been radicalised.
对于自由军团和帝国防军士兵来说，1918年的圣诞假期带来了一次羞辱，然而，这次经历却让他们学到了许多。当时的任务是将一群自称"人民海军师"的革命士兵驱逐出柏林宫。这个团队在革命的十一月日子里是一支自豪但有些无纪律的力量。就在六周前，社会民主党曾邀请这支队伍保护重要的政府建筑以防止抢劫，并因此安排他们驻扎在城市宫殿。然而，当清除他们的时刻来临时，人们发现这支队伍已经被激进化。
On the 23rd of December, the People's Navy Division had even taken Berlin's city commander Otto Wehl's hostage and engaged in a wild gunfight with an armoured car outside the Berlin Opera, just as audience members were leaving the building in their fur coats. Now they were threatening to arrest the whole government. Ibert himself contacted Army Supreme Command and asked for the sailors to be driven from the palace. The operation was entrusted to one general Arnold Lequix, who had acquired a dubious fame in the brutal genocide of the Herrero people in German Southwest Africa. Lequix formed his troop of guards on the morning of the 24th of December, among the architectural glories of Berlin's museum island. The main entrance to the Horns-Solland Palace came under heavy artillery fire and the balcony from which Kaiser Wilhelm had delivered his famous Brook Frieden speech calling for a truce between political parties during the war in August 1914 was among the parts of the building that were struck.
12月23日，人民海军师甚至劫持了柏林城市指挥官奥托·威尔，并在柏林歌剧院外与一辆装甲车发生激烈枪战，正巧当时观众们身穿皮草大衣离开剧院。现在，他们威胁要逮捕整个政府。易贝尔特亲自联系了陆军最高指挥部，请求将水兵从宫殿驱逐出去。这项行动被委托给阿诺德·勒克斯将军，他因在德国西南非洲对赫雷罗人进行残酷的种族灭绝而声名狼藉。勒克斯在12月24日上午于柏林博物馆岛的建筑辉煌中组成了他的警卫部队。霍恩索伦宫的主入口遭到了猛烈的炮火袭击，建筑的一部分也被击中，其中包括威廉皇帝曾发表著名的布鲁克·弗里登演讲的阳台，该演讲在1914年8月战争期间曾呼吁各政治党派达成停战协议。
Machine guns also fired numerous salvos at the palace from the roof of the arsenal. Standing in the immediate vicinity was the city's tall Christmas tree festively decorated for the first peaceful festive season since the war. Then Lequix gave the order to charge but was halted by a barrage of gunfire delivered by the sailors of the People's Navy Division, who had also taken up position with machine guns on the palace roof. Four soldiers were left dead in front of the building and a further ten were seriously injured. Lequix interrupted the charge on the palace and the guard division retreated in humiliation. From a military point of view the skirmish was insignificant, one of countless small battles fought out during those months. But in terms of its symbolic effect on the mood of the soldiers the disaster could not be overestimated.
机关枪还从军械库的屋顶向宫殿发射了多轮齐射。旁边矗立着的是城市的高大圣诞树，这是自战争结束以来第一个和平的节日季节，它被喜庆地装饰着。然后，Lequix下令冲锋，但被人民海军部队的水兵用枪火拦住，他们也在宫殿屋顶上用机关枪占据了阵地。在大楼前，四名士兵阵亡，另有十人重伤。Lequix中断了对宫殿的进攻，警卫队被迫屈辱地撤退。从军事角度看，这场小规模冲突无足轻重，是那几个月中无数小战斗之一。但从对士气的象征性影响来看，这场灾难的影响不可低估。
At the centre of the Prussian monarchy once so glorious the remains of the army, loyally devoted to God and Fatherland, had been forced to retreat by a violent gang of unruly sailors. Weldama Pabst, an officer heavily involved in the right-wing cup-punch attempt to oust the government in the spring of 1920, described the feat as the most shocking moment of their military lives for all members of Prussia's proudest regiment. Undefeated in the field but vanquished by women. On the day of the defeat in front of the palace General Lequix gave an interview to the Fosse-Schutzseitung. Events after all were played out under the very close eye of the press. The photographers had only been a short distance away from where the guns were fired and they waited with their unwieldy tripods for a shot that might suggest a civil war.
曾经辉煌的普鲁士君主制中心，忠于上帝和祖国的军队残余部队，被一群暴力的水手逼退。韦尔达马·帕布斯特是一位深度参与1920年春天右翼政变企图的军官，他描述这次事件是普鲁士最骄傲团体全体成员军事生涯中最令人震惊的时刻：在战场上未尝败绩，却被女性击败。在战败那天，在宫殿前，勒奎克斯将军接受了《福斯-舒兹报》的采访。毕竟，事件是在媒体的密切关注下展开的。摄影记者距离枪声事发地点仅有一小段距离，他们守着笨重的三脚架，等待可能暗示内战的一幕。
The General explained to the Fosse-Schutzseitung how things had gone quite so bad. He came up with an explanation for the defeat that would have serious consequences. A horde of civilians headed by women and children had surrounded his soldiers during a 20-minute ceasefire that had been previously negotiated. My soldiers don't fire on women and children. That was where the mistake was made. A rank of my troops was driven back. They laid down their arms and the rest went back to the university. The message that the campaign to liberate the palace had been derailed by women's resistance spread swiftly around military circles. The refusal to fire on civilians was seen as the cause of this unparalleled disgrace.
将军向《Fosse-Schutzseitung》解释事情如何变得如此糟糕。他提出的失败原因将带来严重后果。有一群由妇女和儿童带领的平民，在事先谈判好的20分钟停火期间包围了他的士兵。我的士兵不会向妇女和儿童开火。这就是错误发生的地方。我的一排部队被击退了。他们放下武器，剩下的人退回了大学。关于解放宫殿的行动因为妇女的抵抗而受阻的消息迅速在军界传开。不向平民开火的决定被视为这一空前耻辱的原因。
From now on there would be no more humanitarian poppycock. In February 1919 troops were instructed to open fire at any encounter with a hostile mob. Whether the story of the women and children who had defeated a division of the guards on Christmas Day is true or was in fact invented by Lequix as an excuse, it certainly led to mind-boggling rage among the humiliated soldiers. The claim that it was women above all who had caused the defeat of the army would be a sore point in the new republic and one that we will come back to, the dramatically changing relationship between the sexes.
从现在开始，不会再有任何“人道主义”的废话了。1919年2月，部队接到指令，要在与敌对暴民的任何人相遇时开火。关于圣诞节当日妇女和儿童击败了一支卫队部队的故事，不论是真实的，还是Lequix编造出来的借口，都一定让那些被羞辱的士兵感到极度愤怒。这种声称是女性为主导致军队失败的说法，将在新共和国成为一个痛点，而我们将会回顾这一点——即性别关系的剧变。
In Lequix's version the soldiers became victims of the chivalry that traditionally prevents men from firing on unarmed women. The more reactionary warriors saw such inhibitions as old-fashioned. Women had long ago ceased to be in need of protection and were henceforth to be seen as fierce adversaries. Even the decade before the war had supplied many examples of the demonization of women. Symbolist paintings swarmed with furies, witches and wind brides. The new workplaces in offices, department stores and telephone exchanges granted women more and more autonomy and independence.
在勒奎克斯的版本中，士兵们成为了传统骑士精神的牺牲品。按照这一精神，男人通常不会对手无寸铁的女性开火。然而，一些更加反动的战士认为这样的顾忌过时了。女性早已无需保护，并且从此被视为凶猛的对手。甚至在战争的前十年，已经出现许多妖魔化女性的例子。象征主义的画作中充斥着一些愤怒女神、女巫和风中的新娘等形象。办公室、百货公司和电话交换局等新工作场所让女性获得了越来越多的自主权和独立性。
And the fact that they had successfully assumed traditionally male occupations during the war had strengthened their self-confidence which had turned into open militancy. Many working-class women had taken part in demonstrations in the cities against the wartime shortage economy. During the days of the revolution and the strikes that followed they often bravely confronted martial military squads, a challenge that mutated in the minds of many soldiers into delusional phobias.
在战争期间，女性成功地担任了一些传统上由男性主导的职业，这增强了她们的自信心，并逐渐转变为公开的斗争精神。许多工人阶级的女性参与了城市中针对战争时期经济短缺的示威活动。在革命的日子里以及随后的罢工中，她们经常勇敢地面对武装的军事队伍，这种挑战在许多士兵的心中逐渐转变为偏执的恐惧。
In his groundbreaking study, male fantasies, the cultural scholar Klaus Tevelite investigated the literature written during the Vaima Republic by and about free-corp soldiers. He found a misogyny that was so insanely unbridled and so obviously paranoid that it takes the breath away. The books are filled with unhibited, flint and viber, rifle women, who want to devour, emasculate and kill courageous soldiers. Woe to the man who falls into the filthy claws of the scandalous women of Humbuan. There will be literally nothing left of him.
在他开创性的研究《男性幻想》中，文化学者克劳斯·泰维莱特 (Klaus Theweleit) 调查了魏玛共和国时期由自由军团士兵撰写的文学作品。他发现这些书中存在一种极其疯狂且显而易见的偏执的厌女情结，让人感到震惊。这些书里充斥着放荡不羁的女性形象，她们手持燧石步枪，仿佛要吞噬、阉割并杀死勇敢的士兵。凡是落入这些可耻的宫卜安女人之手的男人，注定没有好下场，几乎什么都不会剩下。
The writer Tudor Vela warns in his novel Peter Munkaman, Phycops Kemfándeirur, Peter Munkaman, Phycops soldier on the roar. One of his Phycops colleagues, the author rights, was repelled and scratched to bits by working-class women with their bare hands. The author Ernst von Zalomon, member of the Phycops Macke and Berthold, the right-wing terrorist consul organization and the Earhart Brigade that took part in the 1920 cup-punch describes an anti-militarist demonstration against his uniformed gangs of thugs as an apocalyptic encounter with brides of Satan.
作家图多尔·维拉在他的小说《彼得·蒙卡曼，Phycops Kemfándeirur》中警告说，彼得·蒙卡曼这名Phycops士兵置身于喧嚣中。作者提到，他的一位Phycops同事被工人阶级女性用徒手打伤和抓伤。作家厄恩斯特·冯·扎洛蒙是Phycops的成员，并且是右翼恐怖组织“马克和伯特霍尔德”、以及参与了1920年政变的“埃尔哈特旅”的成员，他将一次针对他们这些穿制服的暴徒的反军事示威描述为与撒旦新娘的末世般的遭遇。
He said, Shaking their fists, the women shriek at us. Stones, pots, fragments begin to fly. They hammer into us. Hefty women dressed in blue, their apron soaked and skirts muddied, red and wrinkled faces, hissing beneath wind-wipped hair, with sticks and stones, pipes and dishes. They spit, swear, shriek, women are the worst. Men fight with fists, but women also spit and swear. You can't just plant your fist into their ugly pusses.
他说:“那些女人挥舞着拳头，对我们尖叫。石块、锅子、碎片开始飞过来，砸向我们。那些穿着蓝色衣服、围裙已经湿透、裙子沾满泥泞的壮实女人，满脸通红并布满皱纹，头发在风中乱舞，用棍棒、石头、水管和盘子冲过来。她们吐口水，咒骂，尖叫，女人真是最麻烦的。男人用拳头打架，而女人还会吐口水和咒骂。你不能仅仅用拳头回击她们丑陋的脸。”
In Roer und Artnung, Romain üstem Liebendenazunagazen Yudint, peace and order, novel from the life of the nationally-minded youth, Ernst Otvald relates how General Merkel instructed his free-cob soldiers and short-term volunteers in their treatment of women loyal to the government during the cup-punch. It's a well-known fact that women are always at the head of these kinds of riots. And if one of our leaders gives the order to shoot and a few old girls get blown up, the whole world starts screaming about bloodthirsty soldiers shooting down innocent women and children.
在《Roer und Artnung》这本书中，Ernst Otvald 描述了在一次类似政变的行动中，Merkel 将军如何指导他的自由舰士兵和短期志愿者对待那些忠于政府的女性。众所周知，在这种动乱中，女性总是站在前列。如果我们的领导人下令开枪，而一些老年女性被击中，整个世界都会开始谴责我们是嗜血的士兵，攻击那些无辜的女性和儿童。
As if women were always innocent, we all laugh. Gentlemen, there's only one thing to do in cases like that. Shoot off a few flares under the women's skirts, then watch how they start running. It won't really do much. The magnesium in the flares will singe their calves or behinds, and the blast flame may burn a few of the skirts. It's the most harmless device you can think of. The soldierly chivalry that General Le Quix cited in his interview with the Fosse-Schutz Seitong in order to explain the defeat in front of the Palace of Berlin at Christmas, 1918, had clearly dissolved within two years.
仿佛女人们总是无辜的，我们都笑了。先生们，在这种情况下只有一个办法。在女人的裙子底下放点信号弹，然后看她们怎么开始跑。不过这其实作用不大。信号弹的镁光可能会烧到她们的小腿或背部，爆炸火焰可能会烧到一些裙子。这可以说是最无害的装置了。1918年圣诞节，勒基克斯将军在接受《壕堑卫报》采访时，用它来解释在柏林宫殿前的失败，但两年后，这种士兵式的骑士精神显然已经消失了。
Either that, or it had been an invention from the outset. You can't dance the shame from your body. The woman upon whom this pathological hatred was most concentrated was called Roza, Red Roza. The strikingly small, often elegantly dressed woman might have had a delicate appearance, but she was always determined and energetic, an extremely clever, quick and original debater who persevered with our argument until her adversary retreated into exhausted silence.
要么是这样，要么从一开始就是凭空捏造的。你无法通过跳舞来摆脱身体上的羞耻感。这个被这种病态仇恨集中的女人名叫罗莎，红色罗莎。这位身材矮小、常常穿着优雅的小个子女人，虽然外表纤细，但她总是充满决心和活力，是一个极其聪明、敏捷且富有创意的辩手，她坚持与我们的争论直到对手筋疲力尽地沉默。
Roza Lia Luxembourg had grown up as the child of an affluent Jewish family in Poland, enter the distress of her parents was a convinced socialist even as a school student, a poem by the girl has survived. I demand punishment for those who are sated now, who live in lewdness, who do not know, who do not feel, the torments under which millions earned their bread. Even at the age of six, she worked on a school newspaper and at 16, she was a member of one of the illegal self-education youth circles.
罗莎·卢森堡出生于波兰一个富裕的犹太家庭。从她学生时代起，就已是坚定的社会主义者，这令她的父母感到不安。至今仍留存一首她年少时写的诗，诗中写道：“我要求惩罚那些现在饱食终日、生活堕落的人，他们不知道也不体会，数百万劳动者在痛苦中挣得面包。”她从六岁起就在校报上发表作品，到十六岁时，已经加入了一个非法的自学青年圈子。
Since the police already had her in their sights, when she was 17, some older colleagues smuggled her over the border from where she reached Zurich. Here, Roza Lia Luxembourg, as she was now known, studied everything from zoology, via law, and administration to philosophy, that her endless thirst for knowledge was able to absorb. In the end, she graduated with a dissertation on the industrial development of Poland, naturally getting top marks.
由于警方已经在关注她，当她17岁时，一些年长的同事把她偷运过边境，她到了苏黎世。在那里，她以新的名字罗莎·利亚·卢森堡广泛学习了从动物学、法律、行政到哲学的各种学科，以满足她对知识的无尽渴望。最终，她以研究波兰工业发展的论文毕业，并且毫无悬念地获得了最高分。
In Germany, she moved to Berlin in 1898. She quickly became one of the most prominent voices on the left wing of the Social Democrats. She broke with the party at the outbreak of the First World War, when the SPD reached a political truce, Borg Friden, with the Reich government and the Kaiser, and agreed to war credits. She paid for her courageous anti-war position with several prison sentences. From the start of the revolution onwards, she was editor-in-chief of Rortifana, Red Flag, and the face of German communism. It is a face that still enchants people today. Even the serious-minded historian, Ernst Peeper, describes his 2018 Luxembourg biography as the result of a serious liaison. Roza Lia Luxembourg painted, drew, wrote poetry, had wild and passionate love affairs. No one could agitate more vividly, condemn more forcefully, inflame an auditorium with greater Shakespearean eloquence, certainly not standing on the chair that she needed to be seen.
在德国，她于1898年搬到了柏林。她迅速成为社会民主党左翼最具影响力的声音之一。第一次世界大战爆发时，她与党决裂，因为社民党与德意志帝国政府和皇帝达成政治妥协，称为"布尔格和平"，并同意战争贷款。由于她勇敢的反战立场，她多次入狱。从革命开始，她担任《红旗》报的主编，成为德国共产主义的象征。这个象征直到今天仍然让人们着迷。即便为人严肃的历史学家恩斯特·佩佩尔也将他2018年的《卢森堡传》描述为一段严肃关系的结果。罗莎·卢森堡绘画、素描、写诗，经历了狂野而热情的恋情。没有人能比她更生动地进行鼓动，更有力地谴责，用更具莎士比亚式的雄辩点燃一个礼堂，尤其是在必须站在椅子上才能被看到的情况下。
Her verdict that social democracy was only a stinking corpse was unforgettable. But Roza Luxembourg was not unambiguous. She was a Sphinx, a Marxist chameleon that was almost impossible to pin down and pigeonhole. In her nine-volume collected works, you can find evidence for every ideological variant of Marxism. Because of her famous quotation that freedom is always the freedom of those who think differently, posterity wrongly honors her as a representative of radical democratic socialism. Roza Luxembourg was not whatever people think an ardent Democrat who wanted to persuade people rather than fight them. In the weeks of the revolution, there was nothing that she hated more than democracy, supposedly fetishized by the social Democrats. She saw it quite rightly, as the grave of communism.
她对社会民主制是“腐臭的尸体”的评价令人难忘。然而，罗莎·卢森堡并不是单义的。她就像个谜一样，是一个几乎难以定义和归类的马克思主义变色龙。在她九卷本的作品集中，可以找到马克思主义各种意识形态变体的证据。由于她的名言“自由永远是持不同意见者的自由”，后世错误地将她视为激进民主社会主义的代表。罗莎·卢森堡并不是大家以为的那种热情的民主主义者，更愿意说服人们而不是与他们斗争。在革命的那些星期里，她最痛恨的就是所谓被社会民主党人神化的民主。她非常清楚地看到，那是共产主义的坟墓。
Over a million SPD members faced a thousand strong Spartacus League. In terms of sympathizers, the figures were quite similar. So in a leading article in the Red Flag, she stubbornly refused to allow the development of the revolution to be voted on by elections or majority decisions at the National Assembly. We will not talk with the guardians of the capitalist cashboxes either at the National Assembly or through the National Assembly. Working until she dropped, sometimes she had to be dragged from her desk and carried home, she recommended that her readers do exactly what she herself had practiced for a long time. Surrounding herself with like-minded people only, she said, it is our duty to break down every bridge with the present government.
超过一百万的社会民主党（SPD）成员面对着一千多人的斯巴达克同盟。在支持者方面，人数也相差无几。因此，在《红旗报》的一篇社论中，她坚定地拒绝通过选举或国民议会的多数决定来决定革命的发展。我们不会在国民议会中，也不会通过国民议会，与资本主义守财奴进行对话。她努力工作，直到筋疲力尽，有时需要被人从办公桌拖走带回家。她建议读者做她自己长期实践的事情。她表示，只与志同道合的人交往，我们有责任与现有政府断绝一切联系。
Shortly before her death, she thought a dialogue between her peers was appropriate, but otherwise she recommended the deployment of raw force. Socialism doesn't mean sitting down in a parliament and making laws. For us, socialism means overthrowing the ruling classes with all the brutality that the proletariat can muster. That brutality would explode early in 1919. Between the 5th and 12th of January, Berlin held its breath as it watched a new revolt that would soon be given the exaggerated name of the Spartacist uprising. The spark for this was the dismissal of the Berlin Police Chief Emil Eichon, who had always been on the side of the radical left.
在去世前不久，她认为她的同龄人之间进行对话是合适的，但除此之外，她建议运用武力。社会主义并不意味着坐在议会里制定法律。对我们来说，社会主义意味着用无产阶级能够施展的所有力量推翻统治阶级。这种力量将在1919年初爆发。在1月5日至12日之间，柏林屏住呼吸，目睹了一场后来被夸大的起义——斯巴达克同盟起义。这场起义的导火索是柏林警察局长埃米尔·艾查恩的被解职，他一直支持激进的左派。
In the course of the resulting protests, armed and predominantly communist demonstrators and so-called revolutionary representatives occupied the building where the Social Democrat Daily newspaper Farvez was printed. The offices of the publishing companies Schell, Ulstein and Mosser were also occupied, as well as the Vollifshe Tellegarfenbuhr and the editorial office of the Berliner Tagablat, an attack on the bourgeois press that clearly signaled how the radical left planned to deal with the freedom of opinion they had fought for only two months previously. At first, the occupations were somewhat random, which is why the term Spartacist uprising is misleading. After some delay, Karl Liepknecht and Rosaluxenbuhr put themselves rhetorically at the head of the revolt and tried to make it bring down the Ebert Scheidermunguverment.
在随后的抗议活动中，以武装和共产主义者为主的示威者和所谓的革命代表占领了印刷社会民主党日报《法尔韦茨》的大楼。舍尔、乌尔斯坦和莫瑟等出版社的办公室也被占领，还有《沃利夫谢·特雷加芬布尔》和《柏林塔嘎布拉特》的编辑部。这是对资产阶级媒体的袭击，明确表明了激进左翼如何对待他们仅在两个月前争取的言论自由。起初，这些占领行动有些随机，因此把它称为斯巴达克起义有些误导性。经过一些延迟，卡尔·李卜克内西和罗莎·卢森堡在言论上站到了起义的前面，并试图借此推翻艾伯特-谢德曼政府。
The Berlin proletariat now stands and fights for itself, for Germany, for the proletariat of the world. Never was a struggle more beautiful, never won more just, never won of greater value in history, the Rortofarna cheered on the 10th of January. Wild rumors circulated in Berlin once again. A thousand Russian Bolsheviks were about to arrive disguised as German soldiers, to stand by their comrades. The Spartacists already had over 20,000 rifles at their disposal. Much of the press saw Germany sinking into chaos if the Social Democrats failed to deal with the rebels. In fact, neither the volunteer auxiliary service of the Social Democratic Party, nor the Republikancher Schutztrupper, Republican protection troop, also close to the SPD, proved strong enough to clear the occupied buildings.
柏林的无产阶级现在为自己、为德国、为全世界的无产阶级而战。1月10日，罗托法纳（Rortofarna）欢呼道：“从未有过更美好的斗争，从未有过更正义的胜利，也从未有过在历史上更有价值的胜利。” 柏林又一次流传着种种传言：一千名俄罗斯布尔什维克伪装成德国士兵即将抵达，以支持他们的同志。斯巴达克派已经掌握了超过两万支步枪。许多媒体认为，如果社会民主党未能对付叛乱者，德国将陷入混乱。事实上，无论是社会民主党自愿辅助服务，还是与社民党关系密切的共和国保护部队，都没有足够的实力清理被占领的建筑物。
Once again, Ebert and naval minister Nauske sent in the Frichops via army command, but also the regular Potsdam regiment. Civil war raged for several days in the Berlin newspaper district. They used aeroplanes, flamethrowers, armoured cars, machine guns and hand grenades against revolutionary insurgents, who were generally fewer in number and only in possession of rifles and machine guns. The rebels took up position on the street behind large rolls of paper and bundles of printed newspapers. The free words served as a dense barricade. There were men in smart suits and men in worn-out uniforms, all with rifles at the ready. Past the bales of paper, they peered out from under their hats and steel helmets. The combatants here were not only individual workers and revolutionary soldiers, but perhaps even predominantly, members of the intelligentsia, as they were known in left-wing parlance. The factory workers, on the other hand, were mostly dumbfounded by the spectacle.
再次，艾伯特和海军部长瑙斯克通过军队指挥部派遣自由军团和正规波茨坦团进驻。在柏林新闻区，内战持续了好几天。他们出动了飞机、火焰喷射器、装甲车、机枪和手榴弹，攻击数量较少、只拥有步枪和机枪的革命叛军。叛军在街道上用大卷的纸张和成捆的报纸设下了防线。这些“自由的文字”成为了密集的屏障。作战人员中有穿着整洁西装的人，也有穿着破旧制服的人，个个都手持步枪。躲在纸卷后，他们从帽子和钢盔下向外窥视。在这里作战的，不仅仅是个别工人和革命士兵，可能主要是那些在左翼话语中称为“知识分子”的成员。另一方面，工厂工人们大多对眼前的景象感到震惊。
They also demonstrated in the Berlin districts of Schbandau, Leitenberg and Vedding, against the bloody fraternal war that was being fought out there between hot-headed radicals and government socialists. In vain, the workforces of various large companies established a fraternization committee consisting of members of the Social Democratic Party, the Independent Social Democratic Party, Wunnappingen Gesotseale Mukarderseppatay Dauchluns, USPD, and the German Communist Party KPD, and issued the slogan, Proletarians United, if not with, then over the heads of your leaders. Each of the attacks during the battles of January led to multiple casualties, including innocent passers-by. Freihite, an organ of the USPD, reported that even near the Reichstag and Untar in Linden, hardly a quarter of an hour passed without a machine gun starting to rattle. A number of people have fallen victim to this mischievous shooting, and many have been wounded. A number, no more precise than that. The reports turned quickly into rumors and vague suppositions. People said to each other in the street that government troops were using dumb-dumb bullets that left terrible injuries.
他们还在柏林的Schbandau、Leitenberg和Vedding地区示威，反对在那里激进派和政府社会党人之间激烈进行的血腥内战。各种大企业的员工成立了一个兄弟化委员会，成员包括社会民主党、独立社会民主党、Wunnappingen Gesotseale Mukarderseppatay Dauchluns、USPD和德国共产党的成员，并发出了“无产者团结起来，如果不是与领导人一起，那就越过他们的头顶团结起来”的口号，但这都是徒劳的。在1月的战斗中，每次袭击都会导致多人伤亡，其中包括无辜的路人。USPD的报刊《自过》报道称，即使在国会大厦和林登大街附近，几乎每隔15分钟就响起了机枪声。许多人在这无情的射击中成为了受害者，更多人受伤，具体数字无法确定。这些报道迅速演变成谣言和模糊的猜测。街上的人们互相传说，政府军正在使用导致严重伤害的达姆弹。
At dawn, on the 11th of January, government shock troops advanced on the Far Verde's building. Under heavy shell fire, the central facade of the editorial building collapsed, burying part of the rebel machine gun positions. But one machine gun, not far from the corner of the building, caused the soldiers severe problems. It took them 45 minutes to take the position, which they were convinced was held by the shotgun woman, Rosar Luxembourg. Many of the rebels underwent physical abuse, as they were taken to the Dragoon barracks in Kjojzburg. Once there, they were subjected to appalling torture before being shot. The 20 or so women among the 250 arrested occupiers were treated just as badly as the hateful fantasies from the Frickobs novels would lead us to imagine. Rosar Luxembourg and Karl Liepknecht were arrested four days later on the 15th of January. But rather than take them to jail, the 38-year-old Captain Wealderma Pabst, leader of the Frickobs troop undertaking the arrest, decided to kill the pair.
在1月11日黎明时分，政府的突击部队向法尔维德大楼进发。在猛烈的炮火下，编辑大楼的中央立面坍塌，掩埋了部分叛军的机枪阵地。不过，离建筑角落不远的一挺机枪给士兵们带来了严重问题。士兵们用了45分钟才攻下这个阵地，他们确信是由“霰弹枪女人”罗莎·卢森堡控制的。许多叛军在被押往克耶堡的龙骑兵军营的过程中遭到身体虐待。一到那里，他们就遭受了令人震惊的酷刑，然后被枪决。在被捕的250名占领者中，大约20名女性被同样残酷对待，就像弗里克斯小说中可怕的幻想所描绘的那样。罗莎·卢森堡和卡尔·李卜克内西于1月15日被捕。而不是被送往监狱，实施逮捕的弗里克斯部队领导人、38岁的瓦尔德马·帕普斯特上尉决定处决他们。
Rosar Luxembourg was beaten unconscious with a rifle butt, before being thrown into the Landwehr Canal. Pabst served up a story to the press that Liepknecht had been shot while trying to escape, and Luxembourg had been lynched by a furious mob. The claim still encountered today that the murder of the two Spartacist leaders had been ordered by the Social Democrat Gustafnoska has been thoroughly debunked. It seems quite likely that it was tacitly believed and tolerated by the public at large. The events of the January uprising, which strongly resembled those of a civil war, were fought out amidst ordinary people. Normal everyday life was relatively unaffected by the fact that there were occasional skirmishes in the streets. Friedrich Schiller's play The Robbers was performed in the Schauspielhaus on the 11th of January, the bloody finale of the Spartacist uprising. Stars that Shine again was playing at the Berlina Teata, and in the Teata Amnondorf Platz, the imaginary Baron.
罗莎·卢森堡被步枪托打得失去意识，然后被扔进了朗德维尔运河。Pabst向媒体提供了一则故事，称李普克内西在企图逃跑时被枪杀，而卢森堡则被愤怒的暴民私刑处死。关于这两位斯巴达克派领导人的谋杀是由社会民主党人古斯塔夫诺斯卡下令的说法，尽管仍有流传，但已经被彻底否认。似乎公众普遍对这些行为默默接受和容忍。1月起义的事件与内战颇为相似，发生在普通民众之中。尽管街头偶尔有小规模冲突，但正常的日常生活几乎没有受到影响。1月11日，腥风血雨的斯巴达克派起义高潮时，席勒的戏剧《强盗》在剧院上演，《星光再次闪耀》在柏林剧院上演，而在阿蒙多夫广场剧院则上演《虚构的男爵》。
At the Urania Scientific Society, a large audience heard a lecture on the beauty of the German landscape, and in the side room an introduction to the world of the planets. Within a few days postcards were printed of the half ruined building of the Farvez office for Berliners to send to their relatives in the provinces. There were also souvenir postcards of the fighting on the barricades. One of these, for example, showed a committed bourgeois behind the barricade in collar and tie, rifle at the ready, an impressive picture to display on a kitchen shelf. The cameras were always there to capture images for those who were unable to witness the exciting events themselves. Passes by stood shaking their heads, worrying that the French would soon invade if this chaos didn't stop. First they bring the bones safely home, then they beat each other to death.
在乌拉尼亚科学协会，一大群观众聆听了一场关于德国风景之美的讲座，在旁边的房间里则有关于行星世界的入门介绍。没过几天，法尔维兹办公室半毁大楼的明信片就印好了，供柏林人寄给外省的亲朋好友。还有一些是街垒战斗的纪念明信片。其中一张显示了一位站在街垒后坚定的市民，他穿着领带衬衫，手握步枪，这是一幅可以在厨房架子上展示的令人印象深刻的图画。摄影师们总是在场，捕捉那些无法亲身目睹这些激动人心事件的人的图像。路人们站着摇头，担心如果这种混乱继续下去，法国人很快就会入侵。先是安全地将尸骨带回家，然后他们开始互相残杀。
Even the elegant endlessly curious collector of art and experiences, Harry Graf Kessler, didn't stay at home in his drawing room while all this was going on. During the Spartacist uprising he struggled about central Berlin day after day. Neuier Wilhelm Strasse, Friedrich Strasse, Leipzig-Aplatz, Potsdam-Aplatz. Everywhere he went he heard individual rifle shots and the rattle of machine guns while city life continued just more agitatedly than usual. The street traders with cigarettes, malt bonbons and soap still selling their wares in the street, Kafir Fartaland is brightly lit. I go inside briefly, even though bullets could strike at any moment the Vina Capella is playing. The tables are quite full and the lady in the cigarette kiosk smiles at her customers as if deeply at peace. In the cabarets and on the dance floors people were partying wildly as never before.
即便是优雅而始终充满好奇心的艺术与体验的收藏家哈里·格拉夫·凯斯勒，在这一切发生时也没有待在自己家中的客厅。在斯巴达克斯起义期间，他日复一日地在柏林市中心徘徊。新威廉大街、腓特烈大街、莱比锡广场、波茨坦广场。无论他走到哪里，他都能听到零星的枪声和机枪的扫射声，而城市生活只是比平时更加动荡。街头小贩依然在街上售卖香烟、麦芽糖和肥皂，Kafir Fartaland灯火辉煌。我短暂地走了进去，即便子弹随时可能射来，Vina Capella正在演奏。餐桌几乎坐满了人，烟亭的女士向顾客微笑，仿佛内心非常平和。在夜总会和舞池里，人们比以往更加疯狂地狂欢。
The dance halls that were closed during the war had only opened again a week before on Neuier's Eve 1918. With the relaxation of the ban on dancing, the people fell on the pleasure so long denied them like a pack of hungry wolves and nothing could constrict them of their desire to party, the Berliner Tagablat reported after a foray through the Neuier's Eve festivities. It continued, and what is the Berliner celebrating? He's celebrating the second that has given him today what it may not be able to grant him tomorrow, the unboundedness of the world, the drinking before the drowning. Never before has Berlin danced so much and so furiously. On the advertising pillars there were posters showing a skeleton and a girl dancing, pause Berlin, reflect, your dance partner is death, was the caption.
在战争期间关闭的舞厅直到1918年的新年夜才重新开放。随着舞禁的放松，人们如同一群饥饿的狼扑向久违的欢乐，几乎没有什么能阻挡他们狂欢的欲望。《柏林日报》在新年夜的庆祝活动后报道说，人们在庆祝什么呢？他们庆祝的是当下这一刻，因为今天的快乐明天可能无法享有，是在庆祝世界的无限和享乐主义，在溺水前的狂饮。柏林从未如此狂热地舞动。在广告柱上，有海报展示了一具骷髅和一个女孩跳舞，标题写着：“停下来反思，柏林，你的舞伴是死亡。”
It was supposed to have been printed by the government whoever that was these days. There was so much while dancing that it even became too much for some showbiz stars. In 1920 the review composer Friedrich Hollander took the poster as inspiration for a song that his wife, Blandina Ebinger, the tubercular Madonna, Erich Kessner sang at the cabaret Shal und Roch, an establishment that the couple had founded along with Kotturalski, Klabund, nommedoplume of Alfred Henschke, Joachim Ringenenatz, Walter Mirring, and Miesach Bolianki. Berliners, your dance partner is death. Berlin, pause, you are in trouble.
原本这应该是由政府印刷的，但如今不知道是谁负责了。在跳舞时，有那么多的事情发生，以至于一些娱乐界明星都感到应接不暇。1920年，评论乐曲作曲家弗里德里希·霍兰德以一张海报为灵感创作了一首歌，他的妻子布兰迪娜·埃宾格——患有肺结核的“圣母”埃里希·凯斯纳，在他们与科图拉尔斯基、克拉本德（阿尔弗雷德·亨施克的笔名）、约阿希姆·林根奈兹、沃尔特·米林和米萨赫·博利安基一起创办的沙尔和罗赫夜总会演唱过这首歌。柏林人，你的舞伴是死亡。柏林，停下，你麻烦大了。
From strike to strike, from swindle to swindle, whether dancing nude or tap dancing, you need to enjoy yourself tirelessly. Berlin, your dance partner is death. Berlin, you are rolling in the mud with pleasure. Take a pause, leave it, and think a little. You can't dance the shame from your body because you are boxing and jazz dancing and fox-stroting on a powder barrel. The Shonsoin ends with the line, under the earth, that's where the fuse glows. Take care, in the middle of your fox-strot, there'll be a bang, and then it's night. And with that, they made the sound that would go on to characterize the whole of the Weimar Republic. But for now, there was no bang. Instead, there was an election.
从一次罢工到另一次罢工，从一次骗局到另一次骗局，无论是裸舞还是踢踏舞，你需要不知疲倦地享受其中。柏林，你的舞伴是死亡。柏林，你正愉悦地在泥泞中翻滚。停下来，离开一下，仔细想想。你无法通过跳舞洗去身上的耻辱，因为你正站在火药桶上打拳、跳爵士舞、跳狐步舞。《香颂》的结尾写道，地下，导火线正在燃烧。小心，在你跳狐步舞的中途，会响起一声巨响，然后就是黑夜。在那个时候，他们发出了一个描述整个魏玛共和国的声音。但现在，还没有巨响，反而迎来了一次选举。
A week after the end of the Spartacist uprising on the 19th of January 1919, a Sunday, Germany held its first fully democratic election, with no restrictions of sex and class. 83% of those eligible to vote did so, an astonishing turnout by today's standards. The SPD was the strongest party by some way, with 37.9% of votes. The left-wing breakaway party, USPD, received 7.6%. The Communists didn't even take part because the result would have been too pitiful. The Conservative German National People's Party, Deutsche Natsunala Foksk partai, DNVP, received 10.3%. The Liberal Party's 22.9%, the Catholic Centre Party, 19.7%.
在1919年1月19日的周日，即斯巴达克同盟起义结束一周后，德国进行了首次完全民主的选举，不再限制性别和阶级。有83%的合格选民参与投票，这在今天看来是个惊人的高参与率。当中，德国社会民主党（SPD）成为最强大的政党，获得37.9%的选票。左翼的分裂政党独立社会民主党（USPD）获得了7.6%。共产党则未参加，因为预计结果会太不理想。保守的德国国家人民党（DNVP）获得了10.3%的选票。自由党获得了22.9%的选票，而天主教中央党获得了19.7%。
The Ibert Scheidermann government that had been brought to power by revolution had now been democratically legitimated. In spite of the frightening chaos in the country, it seemed to be inhabited by a majority of order-loving, sensible, balanced, progressively-minded people. Things could only go upwards. The 423 elected parliamentarians, including 37 women for the first time, came together on the 6th of February 1919, not in the Reichstag in Berlin, but in the National Theatre in the city of Weimar, some 300km southwest of Berlin, which had been specially hired for the purpose. Given the continuing disorder, the Reich capital Berlin did not seem safe enough. In the months that followed, they agreed on Germany's first democratic constitution. Because of the location of its first parliamentary sessions, the new state was called the Weimar Republic. Freidr Ebert, now the Reich's president, signed the constitution in line with his undramatic style at the breakfast table in his holiday resort of Schwadzburg in the central state of Thuringia. Article I announced, political authority emanates from the people. That was true in law, but shockingly, not always true in reality.
通过革命上台的伊伯特·谢德曼政府现在已经通过民主程序获得了合法性。尽管国家处于令人恐惧的混乱之中，但似乎大多数居民是热爱秩序、理智、平衡、具有进步思想的人。事情似乎只能往好的方向发展。1919年2月6日，423名当选的议员，包括首次有37名女性议员，在魏玛市的国家剧院举行会议，而不是在柏林的国会大厦。因为当时持续的动乱，帝国首都柏林被认为不够安全。在接下来的几个月里，他们制定了德国的第一部民主宪法。由于最初的国会会议是在魏玛召开，因此新成立的国家被称为魏玛共和国。弗里德里希·艾伯特，现在的帝国总统，以一种不事张扬的风格在他位于图林根州中心的度假胜地施瓦兹堡的早餐桌上签署了宪法。宪法第一条宣布，政治权力来自人民。这在法律上是正确的，但令人震惊的是，现实中并不总是如此。
Day labourers of death A month after the assembly in Weimar that determined the constitution, the situation in Berlin escalated again, this time more brutally than ever before. After insurgent workers had occupied a police station and the post office in the district of Lechtenberg, and there had been many instances of looting and rioting, Gustav Nauschke, now responsible for internal security as Reich defence minister in the social democrat government, had the district violently cleared. According to official figures, 1200 people died, but the number was probably greater than that. Most of them were executed on the spot by Freicob soldiers, deployed for the purpose. Their legal basis was Nauschke's order to shoot anyone who was caught fighting with a gun in their hand. The self-appointed bloodhound of the SPD had issued this order after the rumours circulated that the rioters had murdered 50 policemen in the occupied station. The Freicob soldiers had extended the order to mean killing anyone who even owned a gun.
死亡的日工
在魏玛会议决定宪法后的一个月，柏林的局势再次升级，这一次比以往任何时候都更加残酷。在勒滕贝格区，起义工人占领了一所警察局和邮局，并发生多起抢劫和骚乱事件后，负责社会民主党政府内部安全的国防部长古斯塔夫·瑙施克下令对该区进行暴力清场。根据官方数据，有1200人死亡，但实际数字可能更高。大多数人是在现场被部署在那里执行任务的自由兵团士兵处决的。他们的法律依据是瑙施克的命令：射杀任何被发现持枪作战的人。在传闻称暴动者在被占领的警察局杀害了50名警察后，这位自封的社会民主党的“猎犬”发出了这个命令。而自由兵团的士兵则将命令扩展为射杀任何持有枪支的人。
They combed the buildings of Lechtenberg for rifles and pistols, and shot anyone with a gun found in their apartment. They even shot members of the revolutionary people's navy division, who were standing peacefully in line by a military depot to hand over their weapons and collect their demob checks. The people of Berlin were strangely casual, almost unmoved in their response to the massacre in the east of their city. The doctor and author Alfred Dublin, who lived in Lechtenberg and whose sister Mita was killed by shrapnel during the fighting when she went to fetch milk for her children, reported on the events in a pointedly hard-nosed style. But he did at least report on them in the Neuil Ronschau, under the pseudonym Linka Port, while many of his colleagues registered the horror in silence.
他们搜查了莱希滕贝格的建筑物，寻找步枪和手枪，并射杀了任何在公寓中被发现有枪支的人。他们甚至射杀了革命人民海军分队的成员，这些人正在军械库旁排队，和平交出武器并领取遣散费。柏林市民对于市东的屠杀反应出奇地冷淡，几乎没有动容。住在莱希滕贝格的医生兼作家阿尔弗雷德·杜布林，他的妹妹米塔在战争中为孩子们取牛奶时被炮弹碎片打死，他以一种明确而冷静的风格报道了这些事件。不过，至少他用化名Linika Port在《新观察》杂志上进行了报道，而他的许多同事在默默无声中对这场恐怖表示了关注。
He wrote, And when I turn around, the tree-sized patrol leader is climbing the steps to the cemetery, and they're all whispering. Then someone else gets shot. And in the blink of an eye a salva rings out. I see, I see, that was once, and now what there once was is lying out stretched in a black coat. That was once a human being and is now an object. The idea is a hard one to deal with. One is undeniably horrified. One has seen a lot of people die, but this is something special. It's the extent of the planning. The idea would make your head spin. I'm not bothered by one or two deaths. It comes to us all. But this nonsense is unbearable, boundlessly repellent. Once again it was the ficops who had perpetrated these shocking massacres, and calls to dissolve these uniformed mobs proliferated.
他写道：“当我转身时，那树高的巡逻领队正在走上墓地的台阶，他们都在窃窃私语。接着，又有一个人中枪了。转眼之间，枪声四起。我看到，我看到，那曾经是一个人，而现在那个曾经的人正穿着黑外套躺在那里。那曾经是一个生命，而现在却变成了一个物体。这个想法让人难以接受，不可否认地令人恐惧。虽然看过很多人死去，但这次特别不同。这是因为计划的程度，其想法令人头晕目眩。我对一两个人的死亡并不在意，因为那是每个人的归宿。但这种无意义的屠杀令人无法忍受，极其厌恶。又是野战警察犯下这些令人震惊的大屠杀，要求解散这些制服暴徒的呼声不断出现。”
The few dedicated Republicans in the ranks of the executive, such as the former officer and now police major Haman Schutzinger, demanded a republicanisation of the police and the army. Police tasks, such as the suppression of unrest, could no longer be placed in the hands of a military apparatus that was a law unto itself. Instead, it was argued they required more barracks-based police training in de-escalation strategies, capable of adapting to the various stages of mass agitation. They were no longer allowed to act according to the military principle that the adversary was to be destroyed at all costs, but had to force the insurgent compatriots under the law with a minimum of casualties. Only a year after the massacres in the Easter Berlin in March 1920, Nauschert tried to dissolve several ficops brigades, including the notorious Ehrhard brigade. He didn't decide to take the step out of some inner conviction, but because the Versailles Treaty required a reduction of the army to 100,000 men.
在行政部门中，少数坚定的共和党人，如前军官、现任警察少校哈曼·舒茨因格，要求将警察和军队进行共和化改革。他们认为，警察的职责，比如镇压骚乱，不应再交由一个独立于法律的军事机构来处理。相反，这些任务需要更多以兵营为基础的警察训练，尤其是在应对不同阶段的大规模动荡时的降级策略训练。警察不再被允许依据军事原则来行动，即不惜一切代价消灭对手，而是必须在尽量减少伤亡的情况下，将叛乱的同胞们迫使遵守法律。在1920年3月柏林复活节大屠杀仅一年后，瑙舍特试图解散包括臭名昭著的埃尔哈德旅在内的几个“菲科普”旅。他做出这个决定，不是出于内心信念，而是因为《凡尔赛条约》要求将军队人数减少到10万人。
But the army was far from keen on the idea of allowing itself and its irregular comrades to be decimated as simply as that, and showed its true face to the ministers that it had been struggling to endure. The highest-ranking Reichs where General Valtafun Lutvitz resisted the order and marched into Berlin with Freikop's Ehrhard, who as always wore swastikas on their helmets. The government district was occupied, and the government fled to Darmstadt and Stuttgart at the last minute. The Reichstag deputy Wofkankup, a dueling scarred grim-face 62-year-old estate owner from Western Prussia, declared the Iber-Schadermann cabinet deposed and appointed himself as the new chancellor. The Reichsvere refused to halt the putchists. The republic seemed to be over after only 17 months.
然而，军队并不热衷于让自己及其非正规盟友如此轻易地被消灭，它对那些一直与之抗争的部长们展示了真实面目。最高级别的帝国将领瓦尔特·冯·吕特维茨将军拒绝服从命令，并与总是戴着带有卍字标志头盔的弗莱科普·埃赫哈德一同进军柏林。政府区被占领，政府在最后一刻逃往达姆施塔特和斯图加特。来自西普鲁士的帝国议会议员沃夫冈·库普，一个有决斗伤疤的、面容严峻的62岁庄园主，宣布艾伯特-谢德曼内阁被罢免，并自封为新总理。帝国军队拒绝阻止政变者。共和国似乎在成立仅17个月后就要终结了。
However, the German people showed Wofkankup that he had barely any followers. The biggest general strike in German history completely paralyzed public life. Nothing worked. No mail was delivered, no trains ran, there was no electricity, the telephone service was on strike, the department stores were closed. After five days, Kup and Lutvitz gave up, like riders of horses that simply lie down in the mud rather than trotting on. The Ehrhard Brigade retreated embittered from Berlin, but not without firing off a few rounds at the curious onlookers by the Brandenburg Gate, who were bidding them farewell with mocking cries. Twelve people died, 30 were injured. The determined resistance to the putchists could be among the happiest and proudest moments in German history had it not been overshadowed a short time later by events in some communist strongholds.
然而，德国人民向沃尔夫冈库普展示了他几乎没有追随者。德国历史上最大规模的总罢工完全瘫痪了社会生活。所有运作都停止了。没有邮件投递，火车停运，电力中断，电话服务处于罢工状态，百货公司关闭。五天后，库普和卢特维茨放弃了，就像骑士的马干脆卧倒在泥地中而不是继续小跑一样。埃尔哈德旅满含怨愤地从柏林撤退，但在离开前不忘向在勃兰登堡门附近的围观者开了几枪，后者用嘲讽的呼喊声为他们送行。事件造成12人死亡，30人受伤。对政变者的坚定抵抗本可以成为德国历史上最光辉自豪的时刻之一，假如不久之后，一些共产主义据点的事件没有使这一切黯然失色的话。
Instead of ending the general strike after the overwhelming victory at the retreat of Kup and Koe, the KPD and other radical left-wing groups saw the overheated atmosphere as a chance to lay their hands on power. They just went on striking. The situation escalated dramatically in the Roer, whose workers had put up the most determined resistance against the putchists and inflicted devastating losses on the Freikorps. The confiscated weapons joined the old holdings of the Civic Guard, and soon the Red Roer army had armed forces numbering around 50,000. The Red Roer army deserves every sympathy for their victorious battles against the putchists, but it too was not a collection of noble humanitarians and freedom fighters. In paragraph three of one of their many service regulations, it states bluntly, cowardice in the face of the enemy is punishable by death.
在击退Kup和Koe的战斗中取得压倒性胜利后，KPD（德国共产党）和其他激进左翼团体并没有选择结束总罢工，而是将局势的紧张视为夺取政权的机会，继续发动罢工。局势在Roer地区急剧升级，那里的工人对抗政变者表现出最顽强的抵抗，并对自由军团造成了毁灭性打击。缴获的武器与市民警卫队的旧装备合并，很快让红色Roer军队的武装力量达到了约5万人。红色Roer军队在与政变者的胜利战斗中值得同情，但他们也并非全是高尚的人道主义者和自由战士。在他们许多服务条例的第三段中直言不讳地指出：在敌人面前的懦弱将以死刑论处。
And the Executive Council of the City of Dusburg, where particularly chaotic conditions prevailed, issued the ruling, anyone loitering behind the front without permission will be shot. That also applies to female persons of dubious character. The Red Roer army occupied town halls and prisons. Requisitioned food from private individuals punished in subordinates as they saw fit and sent armed censors into editorial offices. In Dusburg, power was seized by radical anarcho-syndicalists who tried to push every strike into political violent riots from whose violent rule, even the KPD, distanced itself. In the states of Saxony, Thuringia and Hamburg, the KPD hoped for a revolutionary shower of sparks that would take hold of the whole of Germany and sweep parliamentary politics away.
杜斯堡市的执行委员会在极度混乱的情况下发布了一项命令：任何未经许可在前线后方徘徊的人都会被枪毙。这一规定同样适用于有可疑行为的女性。红色鲁尔军占领了市政厅和监狱，从居民手中征用粮食，随意惩罚下属，并派武装审查员进入编辑部。在杜斯堡，激进的无政府主义工团主义者夺取了政权，他们试图将每一次罢工推向政治暴力骚乱，连德国共产党（KPD）也和他们的暴力统治保持距离。在萨克森、图林根和汉堡等地，德国共产党则希望能引发全国性革命的火花，彻底摧毁议会政治。
In view of this prospect, Ibert and Nauschke opted against imposing discipline on the army, which was needed more than ever after the putch. The pattern was always the same, the more furious the radical workers became with the government, the less inclined the government became to weaken the military, and once again the greater the fury of the oppressed. But after the putch, even the bourgeois press called for the eradication of enemies of the republic from the ranks of the army. The left liberal Bellina Fauxsideong even argued for the renunciation of the hundred thousand strong army that the victorious powers still permitted Germany to have, instead strengthening the police. The best thing would be to put the security men into a kind of sporting uniform and in place of the saber give them a rubber truncheon.
鉴于这种情况，伊贝尔特和瑙施克选择不对军队进行整顿，而此时军队比以往任何时候都更需要纪律。这种模式总是一样的：工人越是对政府愤怒，政府就越不愿意削弱军队，而压迫者的愤怒也就越大。但政变之后，即便是资产阶级的媒体也呼吁从军队中清除共和国的敌人。左翼自由派的贝利纳·福西多甚至主张放弃战胜国仍允许德国保留的十万军队，转而加强警察力量。最好是让安保人员穿上一种类似运动服的制服，并用橡胶警棍代替佩剑。
Instead, more freecops units moved into the rue, this time with the blessing of the government, to calm the situation that had got out of control there. The inevitable happened; instead of obeying police instructions, the freecops took their revenge for their defeated comrades by holding bloody criminal trials that alienated many workers from the rue from the republic forever. The Orbayiga, first huntsman of Frécops Eph, a student in civilian life, wrote to his dear sister about the killing party. We made our first charge at one o'clock in the morning. There is absolutely no mercy. We shoot even the wounded. The enthusiasm is great, almost incredible. Our battalion had two casualties, the Reds 200 to 300. Everyone that falls into our hands is finished off first with a rifle butt and then with a bullet. Ten Red Cross nurses, each of whom were supposedly carrying a pistol, were shot immediately however much they wept and prayed. His proud conclusion: we were much more humane towards the French in the field.
相反，更多的“自由警察”部队在政府的支持下进入了街区，试图平息已经失控的局势。然而，不可避免的事情发生了；“自由警察”并没有服从警方指令，而是为他们被打败的战友们复仇，进行血腥的“审判”，这使许多街区的工人对共和国失去了信任。Frécops Eph的第一猎人奥拜加，这位平时还是学生的年轻人，给他亲爱的妹妹写信描述了这场杀戮。他们在凌晨一点发起第一次进攻，毫不留情，甚至对伤者也开枪。大家的热情高涨，几乎令人难以置信。我们的营队有两人伤亡，而敌人则有200到300人伤亡。所有落入我们手中的人都先被枪托打倒，再补上一枪。十名携带手枪的红十字护士无论如何哭喊祈祷，都被立即枪决。他最后写到，自豪地总结道：我们在野外对待法国人要人道得多。
Frontline experience, domestic misery. Who were these Frécops soldiers? What was the source of the unappeasible hatred with which they converted their law enforcement duties into bloody excesses? The answer to this question leads back into the war that still raged in the heads of these men. If we believed their stab in the back legends, they would happily have gone on fighting for their lives. That's all the more surprising since it would be natural to assume that the often described battles within the war of annihilation would have left them utterly demoralized. Why were many Germans not as weary of fighting at the end of the First World War as they would be after the second? In terms of experiences at the front line, the First World War is in fact considered by many to have been even more terrible than the Second.
前线经历，国内苦难。这些Frécops士兵是谁？是什么原因让他们将执法职责化为令人无法理解的仇恨并酿成血腥暴行？这个问题的答案可以追溯到这些人脑中仍未消退的战争。如果我们相信他们“背后捅刀”的传说，那么他们本可以心甘情愿地继续为生存而战。这就更让人惊讶了，因为通常来说，毁灭性战争中的激烈战斗会让他们完全丧失斗志。为什么许多德国人在第一次世界大战结束时并没有那么厌倦战争，而在第二次世界大战结束时却如此呢？从前线的经历来看，许多人甚至认为第一次世界大战比第二次更加可怕。
The 1914 war, as it was known in Germany, was marked by a horrific escalation of military killing. Tanks, artillery technology, unimaginable quantities of ammunition and finally poison gas turned what was once known as the art of war into a competition of pure military capacity. Fighting was no longer carried out face to face. The enemy was invisible across no man's land, their covered position being held with a hail of shells from a great distance. The two fronts held one another in place, while the troops dug themselves into their trenches and tried to send each other mad with endless drum fire. A shift of the front lines by only a few meters cost countless thousands of human lives, all of them consumed as cannon fodder. Whole divisions were burned to clinker, as war reporters liked to put it. Most front soldiers returned to Germany in a spectral state.
1914年的战争在德国被称为"1914年战争"，其特点是军事杀戮的可怕升级。这场战争中坦克、炮兵技术、大量弹药，甚至毒气的使用，将曾经被称为"战争的艺术"的斗争变成了纯粹军事能力的较量。战争不再是面对面地进行。在无人区，敌人是看不见的，他们的隐蔽阵地从远处被炮弹的密集轰炸所覆盖。两条战线相互牵制，士兵们挖掘战壕并试图用无休止的炮火让对方崩溃。即使前线仅仅移动几米，也会付出无数生命的代价，这些生命都被当作炮灰消耗掉。整个师都被战火烧成灰烬，正如战地记者所说的那样。大多数前线士兵回到德国时都处于一种幽灵般的状态。
In his 1929 anti-war novel All Quiet on the Western Front, Irechmarier Remach wrote of a lost generation. In the first weeks after publication, the book sold an astonishing 450,000 copies. So many people recognized themselves in the novel that it became one of the most successful German books of all time. The novel, peppered with cruel scenes of battle, follows its 18-year-old protagonist, Paul Boemer, into the war that finally takes his life, on a day that was unusually so quiet and peaceful that the war report could be reduced to the single sentence of the title. But in fact, Paul Boemer died long before. We are dead men with no feelings, he observes, who are able by some trick, some dangerous magic, to keep on running and keep on killing.
在1929年发表的反战小说《西线无战事》中，作者艾瑞希·玛丽亚·雷马克描绘了一个迷惘的一代。出版后的头几周内，这本书就卖出了惊人的45万本。许多人在小说中看到了自己的影子，使其成为德国有史以来最成功的书之一。这部小说充满了残酷的战争场景，讲述了18岁的主人公保罗·博伊默（Paul Boemer）在战争中经历的故事，最终在一个异常安静和平的日子里失去了生命，以至于当天的战报可以简化为书名的一句话。但事实上，保罗·博伊默早已死去。他观察到：“我们是没有感觉的死人，却能通过某种诡计或危险的魔法继续奔跑，继续杀戮。”
Zombie-like, as a result of his countless incommunicable experiences, he is lost to his loved ones. During a brief visit home, he establishes that he has become so alienated from his family and friends that he's glad to be back at the murderous front line. His comrades are the only ones with whom he feels any kind of connection. It's a brotherhood on a large scale, in which the individual no longer has a part to play. They were no longer fit for life in peace. Even if someone were to give us it back, the landscape of our youth, we wouldn't have much idea of how to handle it. Anyone who felt alien and out of place in the Weimar Republic, anyone who couldn't find their feet, in the maelstrom to which the 1920s would lead, could feel that this book at least understood them.
由于经历了无数无法言传的体验，他如同行尸走肉般迷失在自己所爱的人中。一次短暂的回家探访中，他发现自己如此疏离于家人和朋友，以至于回到残酷的战场反而让他感到欣慰。他的战友是唯一能让他感到些许联系的人。这里有一种大规模的兄弟情谊，在这种情谊中，个体已无角色可言。他们不再适合和平生活。即便有人把我们失去的青春年华归还给我们，我们也未必懂得如何应对。在魏玛共和国感到格格不入的人，在如同漩涡般的1920年代找不到方向的人，至少会觉得这本书对他们感同身受。
But the overwhelming majority of soldiers in the Republic did feel very much at home, in so far as one can feel at home in such a new construction. After all, they were the ones who had risen up against the old order by disavowing their own officers. They were glad that the war was over, whether it had been a victory or not. It was no coincidence that the biggest veterans association, the Reichs von der Kriegsbechirichten on Kriegstyleimä, Imperial Association of War veterans and War Wounded, which had 820,000 members in 1922, was dominated by social democratic and still felt loyally connected to the new Republic, even when it was driven with crises.
绝大多数共和国的士兵确实感到很自在，尽管他们是在如此新的体制中尽可能地感到舒适。毕竟，他们是那些通过抛弃自己原有的军官而反抗旧秩序的人。他们对战争结束感到高兴，无论胜败如何。1922年，拥有82万名成员的最大退伍军人协会——帝国战争老兵与战争伤残者协会——主要由社会民主党人主导，即使在共和国遭遇危机时，他们仍然对新共和保持忠诚的联系。
However, these considerable numbers gradually fade from the focus of memory simply because they didn't cause anybody any problems. Unlike the component of their comrades who felt betrayed by the revolution and hated the Republic from the very first day, the right-wing counterpart to remark's bestseller is the book Inchtäagavittan, Åstimtägabur anest Storstropführs, Storm of Steel, by Ernst Jünger, 25 at the time. This work, which remains famous today in spite of contradictory critical responses to it, shows marked similarities with remark's novel. Both stress the fraternal relationship of the front soldiers, the fact of their being lost to bourgeois life, their matter of fact responds to monstrosity.
然而，这些相当可观的数字逐渐从记忆的焦点中消失，仅仅因为它们没有给任何人带来麻烦。不同于那些从一开始就觉得被革命背叛并憎恨共和国的同伴，右翼对应雷马克畅销书的作品是Ernst Jünger的《钢铁风暴》（Inchtäagavittan，即 Åstimtägabur anest Storstropführs），当时作者25岁。这部作品尽管受到不同的批评，但今天仍然很有名，并且与雷马克的小说表现出明显的相似性。两者都强调前线士兵之间的兄弟关系，他们迷失于资产阶级生活的事实，以及他们对怪异现象的淡然反应。
We don't have any choice but to be pragmatic, so pragmatic in fact that I sometimes shudder, remark writes. The degree of objectivity of a book such as this is the measure of its inner value, says Jünger. Even Jünger sees that the modern battle of attrition no longer really provides a setting for the actions of the war hero of former times. Seldham did the laurel wreath adorn the brow of the worthy winner. And yet this war also had its men and its romanticism, heroes if that word has not become trite. They stood alone in the storm of battle when death, a red rider with flaming hoofs, galloped through swirling mist.
我们别无选择，只能务实，实际上务实到有时让我不寒而栗，正如某评论中所写的那样。一本书的客观程度直接体现了它的内在价值，Jünger这样认为。即使是Jünger也看到，现代的消耗战已经不再为过去时代的战争英雄提供表演的舞台。很少有桂冠花环装饰在真正胜利者的额头上。然而，这场战争也有其人物和浪漫情怀，英雄这个词如果还未被过度使用的话。他们在战斗的风暴中独自站立，当死亡以火红的骑士形象，踏着燃烧的马蹄，在迷雾中奔腾而过。
In Jünger's book the assault with which the soldiers holding out in the trenches for weeks tried to break out at last becomes the hour of the birth of an entirely new type of fighter. He wrote, Seldham were they granted the salvation of looking the enemy in the eye after everything terrible had been heaped up to the highest summit, hiding the world from them behind blood red veils. Then they loomed up at a brutal magnitude, agile tigers of the trenches, masters of explosives. The theory that industrialized war with its long distance weapons and trench warfare was unsuited to individual heroism and left behind a uniform army of traumatized men is not entirely applicable in Jünger's book.
在延格尔的书中，那些在战壕中坚守数周的士兵们试图突围的攻击，标志着一种全新战斗类型的诞生时刻。他写道，很少有机会能在敌人面前直视他们的眼睛，特别是在所有恐怖事件堆积到最高峰，将世界隐藏在血红的面纱之后。这时，他们会以一种残酷的姿态出现，如同灵活的战壕猛虎，掌握着爆破的技巧。关于工业化战争中远距离武器和堑壕战不适合个人英雄主义而只留下整齐划一的受创士兵队伍的理论，并不能完全适用于延格尔的作品。
He finds literary garlands even for the mass of cannon fodder, the ones who were never going to be seen as stormtrooped tigers of the battlefield. The slow dispiriting decline in the dankness of the muddy trenches is intensified into a kind of hyper-proletarian mass martyrdom. They spent their days in the bowels of the earth, enveloped in mould, tormented by the eternal clockwork of the falling drops. They worked and fought like that, ill-fed and ill-clad, as patient, iron-laden day-labourers of death. In this trench mysticism, the abysmal treatment of frontline soldiers twists itself into a cult of meaningless servitude.
他为那些被视为炮灰的士兵找到了一种文学的颂歌，即使他们从未被看作战场上的猛虎。在潮湿泥泞战壕里的那种缓慢而令人沮丧的境况被扭曲得变成了一种超无产阶级的集体殉道。他们的日子是在大地深处度过的，被霉菌包围，受到永不停歇的滴水声折磨。他们在这样的环境中，忍受着饥饿和衣衫褴褛，像背负着铁块的耐心的死亡苦力一样工作和战斗。在这种战壕神秘主义中，前线士兵所遭受的深重苦难被扭曲成了一种毫无意义的奴役崇拜。
Books such as Storm of Steel did their part in helping the experiences on the battlefields of madness to bring the frontline soldiers together into a cast of initiatives. Even once the war was over, they saw themselves as a grubby elite, however low their status in the eyes of the rest of the world, a fraternity just as destructive as the war that had produced these same confused men. The fact that they were no longer fit for civilian life, that they didn't fit in with the modern world and failed in the face of its demands, did nothing to diminish their arrogance filled as it was with a contempt for life.
《钢铁风暴》等书籍在一定程度上帮助战场上经历疯狂的士兵们凝聚成一个有主动性的团体。即使战争结束后，他们仍然视自己为一个肮脏的精英团体，不论在其他人眼中地位多么低下，这个兄弟会像战争本身一样具有破坏性，使这些迷惘的人聚在一起。他们虽然已经不再适应平民生活，无法融入现代社会，也无法应对其要求，但这些都无法减弱他们内心的傲慢，而这种傲慢中充满了对生命的蔑视。
For the pacifist-minded remark, their fraternity was cruelly imposed upon them, a shrunken form of being that was all that these spent and burned-out soldiers had at their disposal. To Yungas heroes, on the other hand, it appeared as the supreme fulfilment. They could not summon the courage required to acknowledge and admit their internal wounds. They interpreted the fact that they could only deal with their peers as a sign of their membership of an elite, which was not and could not be understood by those who stood outside it.
对于崇尚和平的人来说，他们的友谊是被残酷地强加给他们的，只是这些筋疲力尽、身心俱疲的士兵所能拥有的一种缩小了的存在形式。然而，对尤恩加斯的英雄们来说，这却被视为一种最高的成就。他们没有勇气去承认和面对内心的创伤。他们将只能与同伴相处这一事实解释为一种精英身份的象征，而这种身份是那些圈外人无法理解的。
Many soldiers did not experience the end of the war as a result of a battle that had been dramatically lost or as an imprisonment. They were spared the idea of having to surrender with arms raised as millions of their marked soldiers were obliged to just thirty years later. Unlike their generals who had a panoptic view of the hopeless situation, the end of the war came as a complete surprise to them. The guns fell silent overnight as if on their own initiative, and the people who had fired them retreated just as devotedly as they had once marched on the enemy. The war was not ended by a dramatic defeat, there was no roar of joy, no incisive scissor, just a listless agony, ended unexpectedly by orders from above.
许多士兵并没有因为一场惨败的战斗或被俘而见证战争的结束。他们没有经历像三十年后那样被迫举手投降的情形。与他们的将军不同的是，将军们对那种绝望的战局有全面的认识，而战争的结束对这些士兵来说却完全出乎意料。枪声仿佛自发地在一夜之间停息，而曾经雄心勃勃进攻敌人的人们，也同样忠诚地撤退。战争并没有因为一场戏剧性的失败而结束，没有欢呼雀跃，没有决然的转折，只有无精打采的痛苦，被上级出乎意料的命令终结。
The stab in the back legend fell on fertile ground where many soldiers were concerned. The historian Gert Kommich, who is engaged intensely with the trauma of war, estimates the number of anti-republic frontline soldiers to be around three percent of participants in the war, or 14,000 in all. In the coming years, however, this sense of betrayal would be crucial because a large proportion of Weimar society had also failed to anticipate the defeat. While many may have also been glad that the Great War was over, the idea that it had actually been lost was not something that they could grasp. Thinking back to 1917, surely they had been so victorious on the Eastern Front that they had been able to impose a negotiated peace on Russia the following spring, one which contained just as many excessive reparation requirements as the late Versailles Treaty.
“背后捅刀”传说在许多士兵中引起了共鸣。专注于战争创伤的历史学家格特·科米赫估计，约有3%的参战士兵，即大约14,000人，对共和国持反对态度。然而，在接下来的几年里，这种背叛感变得至关重要，因为魏玛社会中的很大一部分人也未能预见失败。虽然许多人可能对大战的结束感到高兴，但他们无法真正理解战争实际上已经失败。回想起1917年，他们在东线战场取得了如此大的胜利，以至于能够在来年春天与俄罗斯达成谈判和平协议，该协议中包含了与后来的《凡尔赛条约》一样过分的赔偿要求。
As we have suggested, for the defeat to be processed, an important ritual was missing, no enemy had invaded, no one had occupied the country. The occupation of territory that usually ends a war was absent, and in contrast with the Second World War, every stone was still standing. Certainly, everyone was drained and wore weary, but wasn't that true of the enemy as well? Unlike in 1945, the defeat remained abstract, and the capitulation a faraway procedure that the German people read about in the newspapers. At first, they were grateful that the war was over, but when they experienced the heavy burdens of the Versailles Treaty, many people felt as if they were suffering as the result of a mere chimera. As though the defeat were only a notional one, a stitch up between the November criminals, as many Germans labelled the government leaders who had signed the armistice, and the hostile powers.
正如我们所建议的那样，要接受失败，一项重要的仪式是缺失的。没有敌人入侵，也没有人占领这个国家。通常结束战争的领土占领并不存在，与第二次世界大战不同的是，每一块石头都完好无损。当然，每个人都感到筋疲力尽和疲惫不堪，但敌人不也是一样吗？不同于1945年，这次失败显得抽象，投降只是一个遥远的程序，德国人民在报纸上读到这件事。起初，他们对战争结束感到感激，但当他们感受到凡尔赛条约带来的沉重负担时，许多人觉得自己遭受了某种空想的痛苦。仿佛这场失败只是一个概念上的失败，是那些签署停战协定的“十一月罪人”，即许多德国人称呼政府领导人的人，与敌对势力之间的密谋。
Conspiracy theories did the rounds, such as talk of the elders of Zion, who had got together in a Prague cemetery to plan the fall of the monarchy and the military capitulation to make Germany disappear from the face of the earth once and for all. There was suspicion and ill will towards anyone who thought themselves stateless. That meant anyone with global inclinations, the communists who identified with an international proletariat, or speculators on the global stock market. This toxic conspiratorial delusion would be particularly directed against the Jews, who were accused of using world jury to achieve world domination. Born out of an almost incomprehensible defeat, the Republic remained a chilly homeland associated with shame and betrayal.
阴谋论四处传播，比如关于锡安长老的传闻，他们聚集在布拉格的一个墓地里，策划推翻君主制和军事投降，以彻底让德国从地球上消失。任何被认为没有国家归属感的人都受到怀疑和敌意。这指的是那些具有全球倾向的人，比如认同国际无产阶级的共产主义者，或者在全球股票市场上的投机者。这种有毒的阴谋妄想特别针对犹太人，指责他们利用世界犹太社群实现世界统治。这种源于几乎无法理解的失败中诞生的观念，使得共和国依然是一个与羞辱和背叛联系在一起的寒冷故乡。
The frontline soldiers had been deprived of the joy of returning home victorious. Many, however, still had a need to receive the returning men as proud warriors, and to feel a sense of triumph beyond any sense of shame. But how was that to work? But how was that to work? Homeland dignitaries ground out embarrassed formulaic greetings that were supposed to comfort the defeated men while covering over the truth. When the soldiers passed through the Brandenburg Gate, onlookers sat and watched like crows in the autumnally leafless lint and trees. No enemy has vanquished you, Ebert declared, before immediately continuing. It was only when the enemy's superior power in terms of men and material became increasingly oppressive that we gave up the fight.
前线的士兵们失去了凯旋归家的喜悦。然而，许多人仍然渴望将归来的战士视为骄傲的勇士，并超越任何羞耻感去感受一种胜利的荣耀。但这该如何实现呢？祖国的要员们只能敷衍地说一些令人尴尬的套话，试图安慰这些失败归来的勇士，并掩盖真实的情况。当士兵们穿过勃兰登堡门时，围观的人群如同秋天的乌鸦，静坐在无叶的树枝上观望。埃伯特宣称，没有敌人打败你们，接着补充道：只有在敌军在人数和物资上的压倒性优势变得无以抗拒时，我们才最终放弃了战斗。
In Lutvickshaffen, in the southwest of the country, the mayor managed to shoehorn lies and truth into a single sentence. You were not granted the chance to be victorious. The enemy's superior power in terms of men and material was too great, but you return upright and unbeaten, and the homeland greets you. And on the 19th of November the Frankfort Atseitung tied itself up in knots to come up with the following sentence. We greet you German soldiers. Germany has lost its war, but you have won yours. All of these distractions were pointless. The embittered soldiers spotted them for the hollow nonsense that they were and felt spat upon from head to toe and assailed by falsity and posturing.
在该国西南部的路德维希港，市长巧妙地将谎言和真相融入一句话中。你们没有获得胜利的机会，敌人在人力和物资上的优势过于强大，但你们依然昂首挺胸地回来，祖国欢迎你们。而在11月19日，《法兰克福报》绞尽脑汁地想出了这样一句话：我们欢迎你们，德国士兵。德国输了这场战争，但你们赢得了你们自己的战争。所有这些干扰都是毫无意义的。愤怒的士兵们看穿了这些空洞的胡言乱语，感到从头到脚都被虚伪和做作所侮辱。
They received confirmation of their conviction that they had not been defeated by the enemy, but betrayed by their homeland. With a bitter smile they read the trivial newspaper drivel, the empty words about heroes and heroic death, but they didn't want that gratitude. They wanted understanding in the words of Ernst Jüner. The soldiers were even embittered about the welfare treatment of injured veterans, generous by European standards because they were categorized on the same level as victims of civilian accidents, as if they had been run over by a tram. While in victorious France or Britain the war wounded were seen as heroes and didn't attempt to hide the loss of their limbs, their German counterparts felt despised because of their disabilities and made great efforts to cover them up with prostheses and special clothes. Artists such as George Gross and Otto Dix like to show reactionary conformist types on crutches and with scarred faces in their caricatures.
他们确认了他们的信念——自己不是被敌人打败，而是被祖国背叛。带着苦涩的微笑，他们读着报纸上那些琐碎的废话，那些关于英雄和英勇牺牲的空洞言辞，但他们并不想要那种感谢。他们希望人们能像欧内斯特·荣格描述的那样理解他们。对于受伤退伍军人的福利待遇，尽管在欧洲标准上算是慷慨的，因为他们被归类为与普通事故受害者同一级别的对象——就好像是被电车撞到一样——士兵们对此心怀不满。在胜利的法国或英国中，战争伤员被视为英雄，他们不会试图掩盖失去的肢体，而德国的伤员却因自己的残疾感到被蔑视，并努力用假肢和特殊衣物遮盖。像乔治·葛罗斯和奥托·迪克斯这样的艺术家喜欢在他们的漫画中表现那些拄着拐杖、满脸伤疤的反动保守派人物。
The fact that a private soldier with a pig's head hung from the ceiling in an art exhibition by the Berlin Dadaists will not have done much to increase the soldier's feeling of being welcomed home with honours. Many frontline fighters didn't return to the bosoms of their families, their businesses, their friends and associates, instead seeking a continuation of their humiliated comradeship in the Ficops brigades. Their hatred was unquenchable. Arnold Bonin, one of the most gifted wordsmiths among the Ficops writers, put it like this. Nothing floated on the surface but the sour lamentable, hand-ringing, terrified, sweating, nauseating atmosphere of the paper republic with appeals to the world's conscious, protestations of rightness, bent backs and exaggerated hand gestures. But vibrating in the depths as if in enormous steam-catalysers was the energy of the nation that had been banished from the surface, waiting for the call of the hidden men who felt the destiny of the Reich within them.
事实上，在柏林达达主义者的艺术展览中，用猪头装饰的一名士兵吊在天花板上的场景，并没有让他感受到被荣誉欢迎回家的感觉。许多一线战士没有回到家庭、事业、朋友和同事的怀抱，而是选择在Ficops旅团中寻求继续被羞辱的同志情谊。他们的仇恨是无法平息的。Ficops作家中最有才华的文字匠之一阿诺德·博宁这样描述：在纸面共和国那酸涩可悲的表面，没有任何东西漂浮，只有哀叹、恐惧、手足无措、大汗淋漓和令人作呕的气氛，伴随着对世界良知的呼吁、正义的声明、弯曲的脊梁和夸张的手势。然而，在深处，仿佛巨大的蒸汽催化器一般震颤着的，是被从表面驱逐的国家能量，等待着那些内心感受到帝国命运的隐藏之人的召唤。
Servants of State in the Cross-Ares A bloody trail of political murders runs through the Weimar Republic, most of them committed by the right. Among the best-known victims was Matthias Autsberger. The former finance minister was murdered by members of the Consul Organization in August 1921, while on holiday in the Black Forest for signing the Compian Armistice that had ended the war. Foreign Minister Valteratnaal hated for his policy of reconciliation with France was murdered in the street in the Berlin District of Gornavald on the 24th of June 1922. That same month, the former Prime Minister Philip Scheiderman, who had resigned from the post in 1919 over the terms of the Versailles Treaty, narrowly survived a cyanide attack. A gust of wind meant that he wasn't hit by the full charge. The well-known journalist Maximilian Hardin was also lucky to survive an attack outside his house in Berlin, Gornavald.
国家公务员在阿雷斯交叉中 在魏玛共和国时期，一连串的政治谋杀事件留下了血腥的痕迹，其中大部分是由右翼势力犯下的。其中最著名的受害者之一是马蒂亚斯·艾尔茨伯格。他是前财政部长，因签署了结束战争的康边停战协议而于1921年8月在黑森林度假时被“海军上尉组织”的成员谋杀。外交部长瓦尔特·拉特瑙由于推行与法国和解的政策而备受憎恨，1922年6月24日，他在柏林戈尔纳瓦尔德区的街头遭到暗杀。同月，前总理菲利普·谢德曼经历了一次险些致命的氰化物袭击，他因不满凡尔赛条约的条款而于1919年辞职。一阵风让他避免了全量中毒。著名记者马克西米利安·哈丁也在柏林戈尔纳瓦尔德的家外侥幸逃过一场袭击。
But the perpetrators did achieve their goal. Hardin abandoned his often controversial magazine, Ditzu Kunft, and fled to Switzerland. These attacks, which attracted global attention, form only a tiny proportion of the attempts at intimidation to which the people of the Weimar Republic were exposed. In 1922, the statistician Emil Julius Gumbel investigated all the known political murders that followed the foundation of the Republic. He reached a total of 354 assassinations by far-right extremists. On the other side, there were 22 carried out by members of the Left, but they were the ones who met the full fury of the law, while right-wing murderers were treated with great leniency. On average, left-wing perpetrators were sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, while the right-wingers got away with an average of four months each. The Social Democrat led Justice Ministry confirmed the results of Gumbel's research, but did not consider itself to be in a position to influence the practice of the courts.
但是，肇事者确实达到了他们的目标。哈丁被迫放弃了他那本经常引起争议的杂志《Ditzu Kunft》，并逃亡瑞士。这些引起全球关注的攻击仅仅是魏玛共和国人民面临的种种恐吓企图中的冰山一角。1922年，统计学家埃米尔·朱利叶斯·冈贝尔调查了共和国成立后发生的所有已知政治谋杀案。他统计出极右分子实施了354起暗杀案件。相对而言，左翼成员实施了22起谋杀案件，但他们却遭到了法律的严厉打击，而右翼凶手则得到了极大的宽容。平均而言，左翼罪犯被判处15年监禁，而右翼凶手平均只被判四个月。由社会民主党领导的司法部确认了冈贝尔研究的结果，但未认为自己有能力影响法院的判罚实践。
The attacks were intended to intimidate local politicians, mayors, and senior officials. County Commissioner, don't worry, it won't be long now, in the words of a song that right-wing activists spread among the farmers of the rural people's movement. Let's take a closer view at one of the murdered men. The aristocratic landowner and former Lieutenant Captain, Hans Pasha. In 1920, candidate for the city council of Deutsch Corner, now in West Poland. It was as good as certain that he was going to win the election, because in matters of land reform, the landowner was on the side of the agricultural workers. The scion of a wealthy and very conservative parental home, he wasn't necessarily what one would associate with a man of his standing. He does, however, give us an idea of the enormous range of lifestyles to be found among the upper class.
这些袭击旨在恐吓当地政客、市长和高级官员。对于县委员来说，不用担心，事情很快就会有变化，这是右翼活动人士在乡村人民运动中传播给农民的歌曲中的一句话。 让我们来看看其中一位被害者。贵族地主和前中尉船长汉斯·帕夏。1920年，他是德意志角市议会的候选人，现在这里属于波兰西部。几乎可以确定他会赢得这次选举，因为在土地改革问题上，这位地主是站在农业工人一边的。他出生于一个富有且非常保守的家庭，本不一定是人们对其身份的典型联想。然而，他确实让我们看到了上层阶级中存在的多样化生活方式。
Pasha had, under the impression of his four-year period of service in Africa, developed into a romantic friend of the Black continent. He returned to Germany as a passionate critic of Western civilization, campaigned for the protection of the environment, and was active in the Vanderfoger, wandering bird, hiking movement. In many of his writings, he had harsh words about the inhuman leadership of the war and described his learning process in the discussion with the African population. In 1912, he wrote a proclamation that today reads like an early ecological manifesto for the Green Party. While a single gazelle whose hide has value on the global market still lives, or a whale in the Arctic Ocean, or a bird of paradise in the jungle of remote islands, then business activity will not rest, coupled with inhuman thoughtlessness and short-sightedness.
在非洲服务四年期间，帕夏受影响，变成了一位对黑人大陆充满浪漫情怀的朋友。他回到德国后，成为了西方文明的热情批评者，积极投身于环境保护事业，并活跃在范德弗格尔、漫游鸟以及徒步旅行运动中。在他的许多著作中，他严厉批评了战争中不人道的领导，并描述了与非洲人民交流过程中的学习心得。1912年，他写了一篇宣言，如今看来就像是绿党的早期生态宣言。只要世界市场上仍有一只活着的皮毛有价值的瞪羚、一头北冰洋的鲸鱼，或者一只生活在偏远岛屿丛林中的极乐鸟，商业活动就不会停歇，与之相伴的是非人道的轻率和短视。
Pasha, one fame with a fictional travel story by an African, from whose perspective the peculiarities of German growth-driven society appear wonderfully abstruse and ludicrous. His book, The Research Trip of the African Lukanga Mukara into the German interior, became a bestseller in 1912, and later inspired the international hit De Papalagi by Ere Schuyeman, first published in 1920. This book sold 1.7 million copies in its German language edition alone, and in 1968 became a cult book of the anti-authoritarian movement. It can hardly be denied that Pasha was extremely influential. His book, A Head-Shaking Critique of the Strange Practices of German Natives from the perspective of an intellectually superior black man, was received as a provocation by the supposedly civilized nation.
Pasha通过一个虚构的非洲人旅行故事，讲述了德国这个以追求经济增长为导向的社会的种种奇特之处，从而使这些现象在读者眼中显得既神秘又滑稽。他的书《非洲人卢康加·穆卡拉的德国腹地考察之旅》在1912年成为畅销书，后来还激发了由Ere Schuyeman创作的国际畅销书《德帕帕拉吉》，此书于1920年首次出版。仅德语版销量就达到170万册，并于1968年成为反威权运动的经典书籍。不可否认的是，Pasha的影响力极为深远。他的书《从具有智力优势的黑人视角对德国土著怪异行为的头摇批判》被这个自认为文明的国家视为一种挑衅。
Nothing characterises Pasha better than the gesture that he made during the war to the French forced labourers working on his farm at Valt Frieden on their national day. He hoisted the tricolor right in the middle of the German state of Father Promorania. The last straw for his opponents came in 1918, when Pasha tried to enter politics in Berlin, joined the workers and soldiers Soviet, and energetically demanded that the Iberchheidermann government arrest and punish the supreme army command in vain as we know. Disappointed by the realities of politics, Pasha quickly retreated to Valt Frieden. His wife, Ellen, daughter of a well-to-do banker and niece of the journalist Maximilian Hardin, died of Spanish flu on 8 December 1918, only nine years after their honeymoon, which had taken them across East Africa.
在战争期间，帕夏用一个举动很好地展示了他的性格。在法国的国庆日，他向在他瓦尔特·弗里登农场工作的法国外籍劳工表达了友好。他在德属地区普罗莫拉尼亚州的中心升起了法国三色旗。令反对者忍无可忍的是，1918年，帕夏试图在柏林进入政界，加入工人和士兵的苏维埃，并积极要求伊伯希德曼政府逮捕和惩罚最高军事指挥部，但结果我们知道是徒劳的。对政治现实感到失望的帕夏很快退回到了瓦尔特·弗里登。他的妻子艾伦是一位富有银行家的女儿，也是记者马克西米利安·哈丁的侄女，不幸于1918年12月8日因西班牙流感去世，这距离他们的新婚旅行仅过去九年。他们的蜜月曾带他们游历东非。
Now the landowner set about bringing up their four children on his own. On an unusually warm day in May 1920, he was swimming with them in a lake when a village policeman ordered him to come home. He followed him wearing only his swimming trunks and dressing gown, but turned around when he caught a glimpse of some of the 60 soldiers who had surrounded the farm. Their hail of rifle fire struck him in the back. When Harigraf Kessler heard of Pasha's murder, he noted in his diary, the safety of political dissidents in present-day Germany is worse than the most notorious South American republics or in the Rome of the Borges.
翻译为中文：现在，这位地主开始独自抚养他们的四个孩子。1920年5月的某个异常温暖的日子，他正在湖中与孩子们游泳，这时一名村里的警察命令他回家。他仅穿着泳裤和浴袍跟着警察走，但当他瞥见包围农场的60名士兵时，他转身准备离开。士兵们的步枪射击击中了他的背部。当哈里格拉夫·凯斯勒得知帕夏被谋杀的消息时，他在日记中写道，现今德国政治异见人士的安全状况甚至比南美洲最臭名昭著的国家或博尔赫斯时代的罗马会更糟糕。
Hans Pasha and Ernst Junga, the two decommissioned officers and authors, were worlds apart. In between there is room for the most exciting social tableau that Germany has ever seen. Ibert, a man despised. If we were to amalgamate the many different aspects of German society in a single individual, we might end up with Friedrich Ibert, a great pan-Germanist, the ideal composition of a president, in fact. Although by 1924 his image had been delivered many millions of times over on postage stamps, cheap stamps which even decades after his death survive in children's collections, it's fair to say Ibert did not leave a great mark on posterity.
汉斯·帕夏和恩斯特·尤加，这两位退役军官及作家，性格迥异。两者之间的差异可以说展示了德国最精彩的社会图景。伊伯特，一个备受厌弃的人。如果我们要将德国社会的众多不同方面融于一人，那么可能这个人就是弗里德里希·伊伯特，一位伟大的泛德意志主义者，事实上是理想的总统形象。尽管在1924年，他的肖像被印在上百万张邮票上，这些廉价邮票在他去世几十年后仍保存在儿童的收藏中，但可以说伊伯特并没有在后世留下深远的影响。
His was a bullish face with a bushy mustache and inexpressive eyes, a face marked by bitterness, vile and an unsatisfied yearning for power. And this was supposed to be the man who rode the tiger, who took the reins of the revolution and in defiance of all resistance transformed Germany into one of the most modern, turbulent and experimental societies on earth? Yes, that was him, the man known as Ibert the traitor. His career was a modern fairy tale. The dream of rising from dishwasher to millionaire is as nothing in comparison. Born in 1871, the son of a Heidelberg tailor, Ibert left education after secondary school, trained as a sadler, was the tenant landlord of a pub in Bremen, an expert in matters of social insurance, and since 1919 suddenly president of the empire.
他有一张威风凛凛的面孔，浓密的胡须和毫无表情的眼睛。面容上透着苦涩、卑劣和对权力永不满足的渴望。而这就是那个据说驾驭猛虎、掌控革命，并不顾一切抵抗将德国变成全世界最现代、最动荡、最具实验性的社会之一的人吗？是的，就是他，被称作叛徒伊贝尔特的人。他的职业生涯如同现代版的童话。相比之下，从洗碗工到百万富翁的梦想简直算不了什么。伊贝尔特1871年出生在海德堡的一个裁缝家庭，初中毕业后便辍学，接受鞍匠培训，后来在不来梅经营了一家酒馆，成为社会保险领域的专家，自1919年起，他突然成为了帝国总统。
By his side stood Louisa Ibert, nay rump, former label sticker in a cigar factory. Frida Ibert, a smart young man who could deliver long speeches at public festivals and gatherings in public halls, had married Louisa of humble origins in 1894 when she was four months pregnant. As soon as the child was born, she helped in the inn where they had just become tenants, happy with her relative independence because Ibert himself didn't enjoy serving behind the bar. In her childhood, she said later, she had to endure very, very much that was difficult and gloomy. As First Lady of the Republic, the former label sticker was the successor to the Kaiser and Auguste Victoria. She performed her role to perfection. She hosted receptions in the presidential palace on Vilien Strasse with such natural grace and unforced courtesy that even one Baroness von Reinbaben confessed herself delighted.
在他身边站着路易莎·伊伯，曾姓鲁普，之前是一家雪茄厂的贴标签工人。弗里达·伊伯是一位聪明的年轻人，擅长在公共节日和大厅集会上发表长篇演讲。1894年，他和出身卑微的路易莎结婚，当时她已经怀孕四个月。孩子出生后，她开始在他们刚租下的小酒馆帮忙，她为能够相对独立而感到高兴，因为伊伯自己不喜欢在吧台后面服务。后来，她回忆说，自己的童年忍受了很多困难和阴郁。作为共和国的第一夫人，这位前贴标签工人成为了皇帝和奥古斯特·维多利亚的继任者。她完美地履行了自己的职责。在维利恩大街的总统府，她以自然优雅和毫不勉强的礼节举行接待活动，甚至连冯·赖恩巴本男爵夫人都对她赞赏有加。
Ibert himself also had a talent for hospitality. He had always paid attention to manners, and he always advised the more rough and ready customers in his pub to wear a frock coat at their next visit. He ran his local as a kind of advice center. Ibert, the pub landlord, had excellent knowledge of legal matters and guided his customers through the jungle of the new social laws, an activity that he later used in his professional life as permanently employed workers' secretary in his party's advice office. Ibert was what might be called a right-wing social democrat. Socialism for him meant not so much the nationalisation of key industries and more society aiming for equality, one in which workers could in future aspire to the lifestyle of the middle class. He himself had made the same move after all. He comfortably celebrated the hobbies of high society. He went sailing in a white suit, hunting in a green loading jacket.
伊贝尔本人也很擅长待客之道。他一直注重礼仪，总是建议他酒吧里那些举止粗犷的顾客下次来时穿上礼服。他经营的酒吧就像一个咨询中心。作为酒吧老板，伊贝尔精通法律事务，帮助顾客应对复杂的新社会法律问题。后来，他在党派的咨询办事处担任全职工人秘书时，也把这一能力用到了工作中。可以称伊贝尔为右翼社会民主主义者。对他来说，社会主义不仅仅是实现关键产业的国有化，更是追求社会平等，让工人也能像中产阶级一样过上体面的生活。毕竟他自己就是这样走过来的。他悠闲地享受着上流社会的爱好，穿着白色西装去航海，穿绿色猎装外套去打猎。
But bourgeois, though he might have appeared and however presidential his manner in the end, for the conservative pillars of society, the Parvenu remained beyond the pale. The Ticlichoroncho called him Friedrich the Temporary. The squat short-necked figure, the van Dyke beard, the roll of fat at the back of his neck, even today he emanates the fresh sharp scent of Russian leather which he previously worked. Oh, if only he had stuck to that occupation. He has the horizon of a cheese dome. The diatribes were unrestrained. In August 1919, an image of the president's swimming was even published. He and Gustav Nauschke appeared half-naked on the front page of the Berliner-Elustriertazitong. The head of state and his defence minister stood in the Baltic Sea, grinning for the photographer. Today the picture might be used to demonstrate how close to the people the two men were, but in those days it prompted near-universal horror and revulsion.
尽管他看起来像个资产阶级，举止也很有总统风范，但对于社会的保守支柱来说，这位暴发户始终不被接受。人们戏称他为“临时弗里德里希”。他身材矮壮，脖子短粗，留着范戴克式胡子，颈后还有一圈赘肉，至今还能散发出他以前从事的俄罗斯皮革工作的清新辛辣气味。哦，要是他只从事那份工作就好了。他的眼界就像奶酪罩一样狭窄。批评之声不绝于耳。1919年8月，一张总统游泳的照片甚至被刊登出来。他和古斯塔夫·瑙施克半裸地出现在《柏林画报》头版上。国家元首和他的国防部长站在波罗的海中，对着摄影师咧嘴微笑。如今，这张照片可能会用来证明两位与民众多么亲近，但在当时，引起的却几乎是普遍的恐慌和厌恶。
To many the half-naked president looked like the symbol of an unarmed fatherland. The photograph might have made Ebert appear human, but most people wondered whether the revolution hadn't led to an entirely unsuitable person becoming head of state. Postcards were printed showing the representative of the new regime looking a bit like a cartoon character in his ill-fitting swimming trunks and next to him by way of comparison the dignified representatives of the old regime, Kaiser Wilhelm and his field marshal Paul von Hindenburg, both in full dress uniform with rows of medals, the caption above the picture, then and now. The undistinguished Ebert had a tough time in the new world of mass media. He exercised his duties without charisma or drama, without wit or humour, opting instead for a cautious tone of balance and moderation.
对许多人来说，这位半裸的总统看起来像是一个没有武装的祖国的象征。这张照片也许让艾伯特显得更有人性，但大多数人都怀疑，革命是否让一个完全不合适的人成为了国家元首。明信片上印着新政权的代表，穿着不合身的泳裤，像个卡通人物，而在他旁边用来对比的是旧政权威严的代表，威廉皇帝和他的陆军元帅保罗·冯·兴登堡，他们身着整齐的制服，佩戴着一排勋章，照片上方的标题是“昔日与今日”。在这个大众传媒的新时代，毫无特色的艾伯特过得很艰难。他履行职责时既没有魅力也没有戏剧性，也不幽默风趣，而是选择一种谨慎平衡和中庸的语调。
This was unwelcome in an age accustomed to boldness, with an appetite for excitement and spice. The widespread feeling that something exciting was afoot made Ebert look like a timid slow coach. There was much talk of the new man and a yearning for danger and thrills. Many people cultivated a brash, supercilious style which meant that everything left them unimpressed. At such a time with everyone wanting to reach for the stars, Ebert couldn't have come across as anything but shockingly mediocre. For the writer, Kord Tohulski, he was an average citizen, the worst mixture of unimaginable, personally clean and actually dirty. Left and right came together in the conviction that Ebert was guilty of betrayal.
在一个习惯于大胆冒险、渴望激动和刺激的时代，这种情况显得不合时宜。普遍的感觉是，一些令人兴奋的事情正在酝酿中，这让艾伯特显得像一个胆小的慢性子。大家都在谈论新人物，并渴望危险和刺激。许多人养成了一个张扬、高傲的风格，这意味着没有什么能够打动他们。在这样的时代，当每个人都想实现自己的梦想时，艾伯特看上去只能是令人震惊的平庸。对于作家科尔德·托胡尔斯基来说，他是个普通公民，是一种不可思议、表面洁净、实际肮脏的糟糕混合体。左右两派都一致认为艾伯特犯下了背叛的罪行。
Some saw him as the traitor to the revolution, others as a traitor to the fatherland and his brave soldiers. Later, the journalist Zibastian Haffner had no qualms about boring the stab in the back legend from the right and reshaping it for the treacherous assassination of the revolution, to which Ebert was guilelessly committed. In 1968, Haffner wrote that the fact that they weren't rogues on the grand scale but respectable citizens doesn't make Ebert and Noske any more likable. The monstrosity of their historic deed isn't reflected in their private character. If we look for their motives, we don't find anything demonic or magnificently satanic, just banalities, a love of order and a petty bourgeois overachievement. Ebert's image really doesn't have much of a chance against the posthumous charisma of Liebknecht in Luxembourg.
有些人认为他是革命的叛徒，另一些人则认为他背叛了祖国和英勇的士兵。后来，记者齐巴斯蒂安·哈夫纳毫不犹豫地从右派攻击背后捅刀子的说法，重新塑造成对革命的背叛性刺杀，而艾伯特对此全然投入。1968年，哈夫纳写道，他们并不是大奸大恶之徒，而是体面的市民，这并不会让艾伯特和诺斯克显得更可爱。他们历史行为的巨大罪行并没有反映在他们的私人品格上。如果我们寻找他们的动机，只会发现一些平庸的东西，比如对秩序的热爱和小市民的过度追求。在艾伯特身后魅力上，他真的很难与卢森堡的李卜克内西抗衡。
Their hideous murders, their status as victims, the humanity they demonstrated in rejecting the First World War, lead posterity to overlook their share of responsibility for the bloody course of the post-revolutionary months. Had they accepted democratic rules rather than constantly threatening to seize power for themselves, it would have been easier to democratize the forces of order and put the Reichswehr on a chain. Today, Ebert has the thankless reputation reserved for those given to moderation and balance, undervalued qualities in the period under discussion. There is a lack of flaws, a lack of catharsis, his biographer, Walter Mulhousen writes. Ebert, in his view, lacks the special aura that so strongly fascinates historians and the interested public about big historical personalities in general. History prefers more gripping protagonists.
他们可怕的谋杀行为，以及他们作为受害者的身份和拒绝第一次世界大战时展现的人性，让后人忽视了他们对革命后几个月血腥局势所承担的责任。如果他们接受民主规则，而不是不断威胁要夺取权力，那么让治安力量民主化，并控制国防军会更容易。今天，艾伯特有着因追求中庸与平衡而得来的不被看重的名声，而这些特质在所讨论的时期是不被重视的。正如他的传记作者沃尔特·穆尔豪森所写，他缺乏缺陷，缺乏情感宣泄。在他看来，艾伯特缺乏那种令历史学家和感兴趣的公众着迷的大历史人物特有的魅力。历史更偏爱那些更引人入胜的主角。
At the same time, the mediocrity that Ebert embodies was arguably suited to what was an essentially risky program. In contrast, with the churned up passions of the post-war era, the attempt to reconcile a divided society was on a scale that required a titan, even though titans would have been entirely unsuited to the task of peacemaking. So was the phlegmatic Ebert perhaps the right person after all? He was only granted six years in office. He died of appendicitis on the last day of February 1925, already quite frail. Much of the public felt orphaned when they heard the news of his death. A huge crowd over a million came to watch the funeral procession pass by the Tiagarten Park in Berlin. Although rather muted and quiet, the crowd did 3,800 Reismark worth of damage to monuments and flower beds.
同时，艾伯特所体现的平庸可能正适合当时本质上充满风险的计划。相比之下，在战后激情澎湃的时代，试图调和一个分裂的社会需要的是一个巨人，尽管巨人并不适合和平缔造的工作。因此，性格淡定的艾伯特或许恰恰是合适的人选？他在任职六年后，于1925年2月的最后一天因阑尾炎去世，他当时已经相当虚弱。许多公众在得知他的死讯后感到如同失去依靠。 超过一百万人聚集在柏林的蒂尔加藤公园观看他的葬礼队伍经过。虽然人群显得相当温和和安静，但他们仍然对纪念碑和花坛造成了价值3800德国马克的损失。
With familiar fury, members of parliament on both the far left and the far right opposed the bill being paid by the taxpayer. For all of its diversity, the intellectual world united in its mockery of the order-loving Ebert during his lifetime. Out of their ranks, it was no less an observer than Thomas Mann, who defended Ebert most stoutly. That's hardly surprising. The poet with the iron trousers, as Alfred Dublin somewhat contemptuously called him, had thought with greater subtlety and ingenuity than anyone else about what was appropriate, about the path between the decorous, the deviant, and the authentic, in aesthetics, the erotic, and politics.
熟悉的愤怒再次出现，来自极左和极右的议员都反对由纳税人承担这笔费用的法案。尽管知识界多元化，在埃伯特的一生中，他们在对这位喜爱秩序的人进行嘲讽时却团结一致。在他们之中，不少于托马斯·曼的观察家最坚定地为埃伯特辩护。这并不令人惊讶。被阿尔弗雷德·迪布林有些轻蔑地称为“铁裤子诗人”的曼，对何为合适以及装饰性、偏离性与真实性之间的路径进行了比其他人更细致和巧妙的思考，以及在美学、情感和政治中的应用。
Thomas Mann confessed in 1925 that his sympathy for Ebert was boundless. He saw in him the fate of a man that the age impelled into something initially quite incredible, fantastical, but which was quite unable to twist the personality into eccentricity but a fate that was born and implemented with simple dignity and relaxed reason. Still shaken by the murder of Foreign Minister Valta Ratanau in 1922, Thomas Mann wrote an essay for young academics defending the German Republic. A short time later, he delivered his declaration to predominantly anti-democratic students in Berlin. He tried to persuade them, taking extravagant detours via German romanticism, Friedrich Nietzsche and Walt Whitman, that the new state could also be theirs.
1925年，托马斯·曼承认他对埃贝特的同情是无限的。他认为，时代推动埃贝特背负的命运最初看起来相当不可思议、幻想化，但这一命运并没有扭曲他的个性成怪异，而是一种以简单庄重与冷静理智诞生和实现的命运。1922年外交部长瓦尔特·拉特瑙被暗杀令他震惊之余，托马斯·曼为年轻学者们撰写了一篇文章为德国共和国辩护。不久之后，他在柏林向主要是反民主的学生发表了他的声明。他试图通过谈论德国浪漫主义、弗里德里希·尼采和沃尔特·惠特曼，劝说他们接受新的国家，并让他们相信这同样可以是他们的国家。
Just as people would later call Angala Merko mutter or even mutty, at first contemptuously, then almost as if in a need for protection, Thomas Mann adopted a familial vision of the President. Father Ebert is known to me, he assured the students, who at first followed the words of the revered Nobel laureate, respectfully. Ebert was a fundamentally pleasant man, modestly dignified, not without cunning, relaxed and humanly solid. I have seen him a few times in his black tie-and-tails, the gifted and incredibly sly child of fortune, a bourgeois among bourgeois, perform his high office calmly and amiably at festivities, and as I was able to observe the late master, the Kaiser, a decorative talent without a doubt, engaged in some dealing or other, I gained the insight which I should like to present to you here.
正如后来人们称安格拉·默克尔为母亲或者甚至亲切地称为"妈妈"，这种称呼最开始带有些许轻蔑之意，但后来几乎变成了一种需要保护的表现，托马斯·曼对总统也采取了一种类似的家庭视角。“我认识艾伯特先生，”他向学生们保证道，这些学生起初尊敬地倾听这位备受敬重的诺贝尔奖得主的话语。艾伯特是个根本上令人愉快的人，具有谦逊的尊严，不乏狡黠，待人宽容，充满人情味。我曾几次见到他穿着黑色燕尾服，这位天赋异禀且极为狡黠的幸运儿，在盛宴上冷静而友好地履行他的高职务。而当我观察已故的皇帝大师时，这位毫无疑问具备装饰天赋的人，在某些交易中表现出色，由此我获得了一个见解，希望在此向你们呈现。
That democracy can be something more German than an imperial opera-gala. Loud foot-stamping followed in protest, grumbling among the upper-class youth who wanted something grander. Even if it was only not losing their privileges in a workers' republic.
民主制可以比帝国式的歌剧盛会更加具有德意志风格。对此，一些上层社会的年轻人表示不满，他们以跺脚抗议，抱怨这不够宏伟。即使他们只是希望在一个工人共和国中不失去自己的特权。